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GEORGE BUSH: THE UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY - PART 2 of 8

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CHAPTER 4

PART 1

"THE CENTER OF POWER IS IN WASHINGTON"

Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. 59 Wall Street, New York Cable Address
"Shipley-New York" Business Established 1818

Private Bankers

September 5, 1944

The Honorable W. A. Harriman American Ambassador to the U.S.S.R. American
Embassy, Moscow, Russia

Dear Averell:

Thinking that possibly Bullitt's article in the recent issue of "LIFE" may
not have come to your attention, I have clipped it and am sending it to
you, feeling that it will interest you.

At present writing all is well here.

With warm regards, I am, Sincerely yours,

Pres

'At present writing all is well here." Thus the ambassador to Russia was
reassured by the managing partner of his firm, Prescott Bush. Only 22 and a
half months before, the U.S. government had seized and shut down the Union
Banking Corporation, which had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany by
Bush and the Harrimans. But that was behind them now, and they were safe.
There would be no publicity on the Harriman-Bush sponsorship of Hitlerism.

Prescott's son George, the future U.S. President, was also safe. Three days
before this note to Moscow was written, George Bush had parachuted from a
Navy bomber airplane over the Pacific Ocean, killing his two crew members
when the unpiloted plane crashed.

Five months later, in February 1945, Prescott's boss Averell Harriman
escorted President Franklin Roosevelt to the fateful summit meeting with
Soviet leader Joseph Stalin at Yalta. In April Roosevelt died. The
agreement reached at Yalta, calling for free elections in Poland once the
war ended, was never enforced.

Over the next eight years (1945 through 1952), Prescott Bush was Harriman's
anchor in the New York financial world. The increasingly powerful Mr.
Harriman and his allies gave Eastern Europe over to Soviet dictatorship. A
Cold War was then undertaken, to "counterbalance" the Soviets.

This British-inspired strategy paid several nightmarish dividends. Eastern
Europe was to remain enslaved. Germany was "permanently" divided.
Anglo-American power was jointly exercised over the non-Soviet "Free
World." The confidential functions of the British and American governments
were merged. The Harriman clique took possession of the U.S. national
security apparatus, and in doing so, they opened the gate and let the Bush
family in.

- * * * -

Following his services to Germany's Nazi Party, Averell Harriman spent
several years mediating between the British, American, and Soviet
governments inthe war to stop the Nazis. He was ambassador to Moscow from
1943 to 1946.

President Harry Truman, whom Harriman and his friends held in amused
contempt, appointed Harriman U.S. ambassador to Britain in 1946.

Harriman was at lunch with former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill
one day in 1946, when Truman telephoned. Harriman asked Churchill if he
should accept Truman's offer to come back to the U.S. as Secretary of
Commerce. According to Harriman's account, Churchill told him: "Absolutely.
The center of power is in Washington." Note #1


Jupiter Island

The reorganization of the American government after World War II -- the
creation of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency along British lines, for
example -- had devastating consequences. We are concerned here with only
certain aspects of that overall transformation, those matters of policy and
family which gave shape to the life and mind of George Bush, and gave him
access to power.

It was in these postwar years that George Bush attended Yale University,
and was inducted into the Skull and Bones society. The Bush family's home
at that time was in Greenwich, Connecticut. But it was just then that
George's parents, Prescott and Dorothy Walker Bush, were wintering in a
peculiar spot in Florida, a place that is excluded from mention in
literature originating from Bush circles.

Certain national news accounts early in 1991 featured the observations on
President Bush's childhood by his elderly mother Dorothy. She was said to
be a resident of Hobe Sound, Florida. More precisely, the President's
mother lived in a hyper-security arrangement created a half-century earlier
by Averell Harriman, adjacent to Hobe Sound. Its correct name is Jupiter
Island.

During his political career, George Bush has claimed many different "home"
states, including Texas, Maine, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. It has not
been expedient for him to claim Florida, though that state has a vital link
to his role in the world, as we shall see. And George Bush's home base in
Florida, throughout his adult life, has been Jupiter Island.

The unique, bizarre setup on Jupiter Island began in 1931, following the
merger of W.A. Harriman and Co. with the British-American firm Brown
Brothers.

The reader will recall Mr. Samuel Pryor, the "Merchant of Death." A partner
with the Harrimans, Prescott Bush, George Walker, and Nazi boss Fritz
Thyssen in banking and shipping enterprises, Sam Pryor remained executive
committee chairman of Remington Arms. In this period, the Nazi private
armies (SA and SS) were supplied with American arms -- most likely by Pryor
and his company -- as they moved to overthrow the German republic. Such
gun-running as an instrument of national policy would later become
notorious in the "Iran-Contra" affair.

Sam Pryor's daughter Permelia married Yale graduate Joseph V. Reed on the
last day of 1927. Reed immediately went to work for Prescott Bush and
George Walker, as an apprentice at W.A. Harriman and Co.

During World War II, Joseph V. Reed had served in the "special services"
section of the U.S. Army Signal Corps. A specialist in security, codes and
espionage, Reed later wrote a book entitled "Fun with Cryptograms". Note #2

Sam Pryor had had property around Hobe Sound, Florida, for some time. In
1931, Joseph and Permelia Pryor Reed bought the entirety of Jupiter Island.

This is a typically beautiful Atlantic coast "barrier island," a half-mile
wide and nine miles long. The middle of Jupiter Island lies just off Hobe
Sound. The south bridge connects the island with the town of Jupiter, to
the north of Palm Beach. It is about 90 minutes by auto from Miami --
today, a few minutes by helicopter.

Early in 1991, a newspaper reporter asked a friend of the Bush family about
security arrangements on Jupiter Island. He responded, "If you called up
the White House, would they tell you h ow many security people they had?
It's not that Jupiter Island is the White House, although he [George Bush]
does come down frequently."

But for several decades before Bush was President, Jupiter Island had an ord
inance requiring the registration and fingerprinting of all housekeepers,
gardeners, and other non-residents working on the island. The Jupiter
Island police department says that there are sensors in the two main roads
that can track every automobile on the island. If a car stops in the
street, the police will be there within one or two minutes. Surveillance is
a duty of all employees of the Town of Jupiter Island. News reporters are
to be prevented from visiting the island. Note #3

To create this astonishing private club, Joseph and Permelia Pryor Reed
sold land only to those who would fit in. Permelia Reed was still the
grande dame of the island when George Bush was inaugurated President in
1989. In recognition of the fact that the Reeds know where "all" the bodies
are buried, President Bush appointed Permelia's son, Joseph V. Reed, Jr.,
chief of protocol for the U.S. State Dept., in charge of private
arrangements with foreign dignitaries.

Averell Harriman made Jupiter Island a staging ground for his 1940s
takeover of the U.S. national security apparatus. It was in that connection
that the island became possibly the most secretive private place in
America.

Let us briefly survey the neighborhood, back then in 1946-48, to see some
of the uses various of the residents had for the Harriman clique.


Residence on Jupiter Island

Note #b|Jupiter Islander "Robert A. Lovett," Note #4, Prescott Bush's
partner at Brown Brothers Harriman, had been Assistant Secretary of War for
Air from 1941 to 1945. Lovett was the leading American advocate of the
policy of terror-bombing of civilians. He organized the Strategic Bombing
Survey, carried out for the American and British governments by the staff
of the Prudential Insurance Company, guided by London's Tavistock
Psychiatric Clinic.

In the postwar period, Prescott Bush was associated with Prudential
Insurance, one of Lovett's intelligence channels to the British secret
services. Prescott was listed by Prudential as a director of the company
for about two years in the early 1950s.

Their Strategic Bombing Survey failed to demonstrate any real military
advantage accruing from such outrages as the fire-bombing of Dresden,
Germany. But the Harrimanites nevertheless persisted in the advocacy of
terror from the air. They glorified this as "psychological warfare," a part
of the utopian military doctrine opposed to the views of military
traditionalists such as Gen. Douglas MacArthur.

Robert Lovett later advised President Lyndon Johnson to terror-bomb
Vietnam. President George Bush revived the doctrine with the bombing of
civilian areas in Panama, and the destruction of Baghdad.

On October 22, 1945, Secretary of War Robert Patterson created the Lovett
Committee, chaired by Robert A. Lovett, to advise the government on the
post-World War II organization of U.S. intelligence activities. The
existence of this committee was unknown to the public until an official CIA
history was released from secrecy in 1989. But the CIA's author (who was
President Bush's prep school history teacher; see chapter 5) gives no real
details of the Lovett Committee's functioning, claiming: "The record of the
testimony of the Lovett Committee, unfortunately, was not in the archives
of the agency when this account was written." Note #5

The CIA's self-history does inform us of the advice that Lovett provided to
the Truman cabinet, as the official War Department intelligence proposal.

Lovett decided that there should be a separate Central Intelligence Agency.
The new agency would "consult" with the armed forces, but it must be the
sole collecting agency in the field of foreign espionage and
counterespionage. The new agency should have an independent budget, and its
appropriations should be granted by Congress without public hearings.

Lovett appeared before the Secretaries of State, War, and Navy on November
14, 1945. He spoke highly of the FBI's work because it had "the best
personality file in the world." Lovett said the FBI was expert at producing
false documents, an art "which we developed so successfully during the war
and at which we became outstandingly adept." Lovett pressed for a virtual
resumption of the wartime Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in a new CIA.

U.S. military traditionalists centered around Gen. Douglas MacArthur
opposed Lovett's proposal. The continuation of the OSS had been attacked at
the end of the war on the grounds that the OSS was entirely under British
control, and that it would constitute an American Gestapo. Note #6 But the
CIA was established in 1947 according to the prescription of Robert Lovett,
of Jupiter Island.

/ Note #b|"Charles Payson" and his wife, "Joan Whitney Payson," were
extended family members of Harriman's and business associates of the Bush
family.

Joan's aunt, Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney, was a relative of the Harrimans.
Gertrude's son, Cornelius Vanderbilt ("Sonny") Whitney, long-time chairman
of Pan American Airways (Prescott was a Pan Am director), became assistant
secretary of the U.S. Air Force in 1947. Sonny's wife Marie had divorced
him and married Averell Harriman in 1930. Joan and Sonny's uncle, Air
Marshal Sir Thomas Elmhirst, was director of intelligence for the British
Air Force from 1945 to 1947.

Joan's brother, John Hay ("Jock") Whitney, was to be ambassador to Great
Britain from 1955 to 1961 ... when it would be vital for Prescott and
George Bush to have such a friend. Joan's father, grandfather, and uncle
were members of the Skull and Bones secret society.

Charles Payson organized a uranium refinery in 1948. Later, he was chairman
of Vitro Corporation, makers of parts for submarine-launched ballistic
missiles, equipment for frequency surveillance and torpedo guidance, and
other subsurface weaponry.

Naval warfare has long been a preoccupation of the British Empire. British
penetration of the U.S. Naval Intelligence service has been particularly
heavy since the tenure of Joan's Anglophile grandfather, William C.
Whitney, as secretary of the Navy for President Grover Cleveland. This
traditional covert British orientation in the U.S. Navy, Naval Intelligence
and the Navy's included service, the Marine Corps, forms a backdrop to the
career of George Bush -- and to the whole neighborhood on Jupiter Island.
Naval Intelligence maintained direct relations with gangster boss Meyer
Lansky for Anglo-American political operations in Cuba during World War II,
well before the establishment of the CIA. Lansky officially moved to
Florida in 1953. / Note #7

/ Note #b|"George Herbert Walker, Jr." (Skull and Bones, 1927), was
extremely close to his nephew George Bush, helping to sponsor his entry
into the oil business in the 1950s. "Uncle Herbie" was also a partner of
Joan Whitney Payson when they co-founded the New York Mets baseball team in
1960. His son, G.H. Walker III, was a Yale classmate of "Nicholas Brady"
and Moreau D. Brown (Thatcher Brown's grandson), forming what was called
the "Yale Mafia" on Wall Street.

/ Note #b|"Walter S. Carpenter, Jr." had been chairman of the finance
committee of the Du Pont Corporation (1930-40). In 1933, Carpenter oversaw
Du Pont's purchase of Remington Arms from Sam Pryor and the Rockefellers,
and led Du Pont into partnership with the Nazi I.G. Farben company for the
manufacture of explosives. Carpenter became Du Pont's president in 1940.
His cartel with the Nazis was broken up by the U.S. government.
Nevertheless, Carpenter remained Du Pont's president, as the company's
technicians participated massively in the Manhattan Project to produce the
first atomic bomb. He was chairman of Du Pont from 1948 to 1962, retaining
high-level access to U.S. strategic activities.

Walter Carpenter and Prescott Bush were fellow activists in the Mental
Hygiene Society. Originating at Yale University in 1908, the movement had
been organized into the World Federation of Mental Health by Montague
Norman, himself a frequen t mental patient, former Brown Brothers partner
and Bank of England Governor. Norman had appointed as the federation's
chairman, Brigadier John Rawlings Rees, director of the Tavistock Clinic,
chief psychiatrist and psychological warfare expert for the British
intelligence services. Prescott was a director of the society in
Connecticut; Carpenter was a director in Delaware.

/ Note #b|"Paul Mellon" was the leading heir to the Mellon fortune, and a
long-time neighbor of Averell Harriman's in Middleburg, Virginia, as well
as Jupiter Island, Florida. Paul's father, Andrew Mellon, U.S. treasury
secretary 1921-32, had approved the transactions of Harriman, Pryor, and
Bush with the Warburgs and the Nazis. Paul Mellon's son-in-law, "David K.E.
Bruce," worked in Prescott Bush's W.A. Harriman & Co. during the late
1920s; was head of the London branch of U.S. intelligence during World War
II; and was Averell Harriman's Assistant Secretary of Commerce in 1947-48.
Mellon family money and participation would be instrumental in many
domestic U.S. projects of the new Central Intelligence Agency.

/ Note #b|"Carll Tucker" manufactured electronic guidance equipment for
the Navy. With the Mellons, Tucker was an owner of South American oil
properties. Mrs. Tucker was the great-aunt of "Nicholas Brady," later
George Bush's Iran-Contra partner and U.S. treasury secretary. Their son
Carll Tucker, Jr. (Skull and Bones, 1947), was among the 15 Bonesmen who
selected George Bush for induction in the class of 1948.

/ Note #b|"C. Douglas Dillon" was the boss of William H. Draper, Jr. in
the Draper-Prescott Bush-Fritz Thyssen Nazi banking scheme of the 1930s and
40s. His father, Clarence Dillon, created the Vereinigte Stahlwerke
(Thyssen's German Steel Trust) in 1926. C. Douglas Dillon made "Nicholas
Brady" the chairman of the Dillon Read firm in 1971 and himself continued
as chairman of the Executive Committee. C. Douglas Dillon would be a vital
ally of his neighbor Prescott Bush during the Eisenhower administration.

/ Note #b|"Publisher Nelson Doubleday" headed his family's publishing
firm, founded under the auspices of J.P. Morgan and other British Empire
representatives. When George Bush's "Uncle Herbie" died, Doubleday took
over as majority owner and chief executive of the New York Mets baseball
team.

Some other specialized corporate owners had their place in Harriman's
strange club.

/ Note #b|"George W. Merck," chairman of Merck & Co., drug and chemical
manufacturers, was director of the War Research Service: Merck was the
official chief of all U.S. research into biological warfare from 1942 until
at least the end of World War II. After 1944, Merck's organization was
placed under the U.S. Chemical Warfare Service. His family firm in Germany
and the United States was famous for its manufacture of morphine.

/ Note #b|"James H. McGraw, Jr.," chairman of McGraw Hill Publishing
Company, was a member of the advisory board to the U.S. Chemical Warfare
Service and a member of the Army Ordnance Association Committee on
Endowment.

/ Note #b|"Fred H. Haggerson," chairman of Union Carbide Corp., produced
munitions, chemicals, and firearms.

/ Note #b|"A.L. Cole" was useful to the Jupiter Islanders as an executive
of "Readers Digest." In 1965, just after performing a rather dirty favor
for George Bush [which will be discussed in a coming chapter -- ed.], Cole
became chairman of the executive committee of the "Digest," the world's
largest-circulation periodical.

From the late 1940s, Jupiter Island has served as a center for the
direction of covert action by the U.S. government and, indeed, for the
covert management of the government. Jupiter Island will reappear later on,
in our account of George Bush in the Iran-Contra affair.

======


Target: Washington

George Bush graduated from Yale in 1948. He soon entered the family's
Dresser oil supply concern in Texas. We shall now briefly describe the
forces that descended on Washington, D.C. during those years when Bush,
with the assistance of family and powerful friends, was becoming
"established in business on his own."

From 1948 to 1950, Prescott Bush's boss Averell Harriman was U.S.
"ambassador-at-large" to Europe. He was a non-military "Theater Commander,"
the administrator of the multi-billion-dollar Marshall Plan, participating
in all military/strategic decision-making by the Anglo-American alliance.

The U.S. secretary of defense, James Forrestal, had become a problem to the
Harrimanites. Forrestal had long been an executive at Dillon Read on Wall
Street. But in recent years he had gone astray. As secretary of the navy in
1944, Forrestal proposed the racial integration of the Navy. As defense
secretary, he pressed for integration in the armed forces and this
eventually became the U.S. policy.

Forrestal opposed the utopians' strategy of appeasement coupled with
brinkmanship. He was simply opposed to communism. On March 28, 1949,
Forrestal was forced out of office and flown on an Air Force plane to
Florida. He was taken to "Hobe Sound" (Jupiter Island), where Robert Lovett
and an army psychiatrist dealt with him. / Note #8

He was flown back to Washington, locked in Walter Reed Army Hospital and
given insulin shock treatments for alleged "mental exhaustion." He was
denied all visitors except his estranged wife and children -- his son had
been Averell Harriman's aide in Moscow. On May 22, Forrestal's body was
found, his bathrobe cord tied tightly around his neck, after he had plunged
from a sixteenth-story hospital window. The chief psychiatrist called the
death a suicide even before any investigation was started. The results of
the Army's inquest were kept secret. Forrestal's diaries were published, 80
percent deleted, after a year of direct government censorship and
rewriting.

- * * * -

North Korean troops invaded South Korea in June 1950, after U.S. Secretary
of State Dean Acheson (Harriman's very close friend) publicly specified
that Korea would not be defended. With a new war on, Harriman came back to
serve as President Truman's adviser, to "oversee national security
affairs."

Harriman replaced Clark Clifford, who had been special counsel to Truman.
Clifford, however, remained close to Harriman and his partners as they
gained more and more power. Clifford later wrote about his cordial
relations with Prescott Bush:

"Prescott Bush ... had become one of my frequent golfing partners in the
fifties, and I had both liked and respected him.... Bush had a splendid
singing voice, and particularly loved quartet singing. In the fifties, he
organized a quartet that included my daughter Joyce.... They would sing in
Washington, and, on occasion, he invited the group to Hobe Sound in Florida
to perform. His son [George], though, had never struck me as a strong or
forceful person. In 1988, he presented himself successfully to the voters
as an outsider -- no small trick for a man whose roots wound through
Connecticut, Yale, Texas oil, the CIA, a patrician background, wealth, and
the Vice Presidency." / Note #9

With Forrestal out of the way, Averell Harriman and Dean Acheson drove to
Leesburg, Virginia, on July 1, 1950, to hire the British-backed U.S. Gen.
George C. Marshall as secretary of defense. At the same time, Prescott's
partner, Robert Lovett, himself became assistant secretary of defense.

Lovett, Marshall, Harriman, and Acheson went to work to unhorse Gen.
Douglas MacArthur, commander of U.S. forces in Asia. MacArthur kept Wall
Street's intelligence agencies away from his command, and favored real
independence for the non-white nations. Lovett called for MacArthur's
firing on March 23, 1951, citing MacArthur's insistence on defeating the
Communist Chinese invaders in Korea. MacArthur's famous message, that there
was "no substitute for victory," was read in Congress on April 5; MacArthur
was fired on April 10, 1951.

That September, Robert Lovett replaced Marshall as secretary of defense.
Meanwhile, Harriman was named director of the Mutual Security Agency,
making him the U.S. chief of the Anglo-American military alliance. By now,
Brown Brothers Harriman was everything but commander-in-chief.

- * * * -

These were, of course, exciting times for the Bush family, whose wagon was
hitched to the financial gods of Olympus -- to Jupiter, that is.

Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. 59 Wall Street, New York 5, N.Y. Business
Established 1818 Cable Address "Shipley-NewYork"

Private Bankers

April 2, 1951

The Honorable W.A. Harriman, The White House, Washington, D.C.

Dear Averell:

I was sorry to miss you in Washington but appreciate your cordial note. I
shall hope for better luck another time.

I hope you had a good rest at Hobe Sound.

With affectionate regard, I am,

Sincerely yours,

Pres [signed]

Prescott S. Bush

A central focus of the Harriman security regime in Washington (1950-53) was
the organization of covert operations, and "psychological warfare."
Harriman, together with his lawyers and business partners, Allen and John
Foster Dulles, wanted the government's secret services to conduct extensive
propaganda campaigns and mass-psychology experiments within the U.S.A., and
paramilitary campaigns abroad. This would supposedly ensure a stable
world-wide environment favorable to Anglo-American financial and political
interests.

The Harriman security regime created the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB)
in 1951. The man appointed director of the PSB, Gordon Gray, is familiar to
the reader as the sponsor of the child sterilization experiments, carried
out by the Harrimanite eugenics movement in North Carolina following World
War II.

Gordon Gray was an avid Anglophile, whose father had gotten controlling
ownership of the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company through alliance with the
British Imperial tobacco cartel's U.S. representatives, the Duke family of
North Carolina. Gordon's brother, R.J. Reynolds chairman Bowman Gray Jr.,
was also a naval intelligence officer, known around Washington as the
"founder of operational intelligence." Gordon Gray became a close friend
and political ally of Prescott Bush; and Gray's son became for Prescott's
son, George, his lawyer and the shield of his covert policy.

But President Harry Truman, as malleable as he was, constituted an obstacle
to the covert warriors. An insular Missouri politician vaguely favorable to
the U.S. Constitution, he remained skeptical about secret service
activities that reminded him of the Nazi Gestapo.

So, "covert operations" could not fully take off without a change of the
Washington regime. And it was with the Republican Party that Prescott Bush
was to get his turn.


Prescott Runs for Senate

Prescott had made his first attempt to enter national politics in 1950, as
his partners took control of the levers of governmental power. Remaining in
charge of Brown Brothers Harriman, he ran against Connecticut's William
Benton for his seat in the U.S. Senate. (The race was actually for a
two-year unexpired term, left empty by the death of the previous senator).

In those days, Wisconsin's drunken Senator Joseph R. McCarthy was making a
circus-like crusade against communist influence in Washington. McCarthy
attacked liberals and leftists, State Department personnel, politicians,
and Hollywood figures. He generally left unscathed the Wall Street and
London strategists who donated Eastern Europe and China to communist
dictatorship -- like George Bush, their geopolitics was beyond left and
right.

Prescott Bush had no public ties to the notorious Joe McCarthy, and
appeared to be neutral about his crusade. But the Wisconsin senator had his
uses. Joe McCarthy came into Connecticut three times that year to campaign
for Bush and against the Democrats. Bush himself made charges of "Korea,
Communism and Corruption" into a slick campaign phrase against Benton,
which then turned up as a national Republican slogan.

The response was disappointing. Only small crowds turned out to hear Joe
McCarthy, and Benton was not hurt. McCarthy's pro-Bush rally in New Haven,
in a hall that seated 6,000, drew only 376 people. Benton joked on the
radio that "200 of them were my spies."

Prescott Bush resigned from the Yale Board of Fellows for his campaign, and
the board published a statement to the effect that the "Yale vote" should
support Bush -- despite the fact that Benton was a Yale man, and in many
ways identical in outlook to Bush. Yale's Whiffenpoof singers appeared
regularly for Prescott's campaign. None of this was particularly effective,
however, with the voting population. / Note #1 / Note #0

Then Papa Bush ran into a completely unexpected problem. At that time, the
old Harriman eugenics movement was centered at Yale University. Prescott
Bush was a Yale trustee, and his former Brown Brothers Harriman partner,
Lawrence Tighe, was Yale's treasurer. In that connection, a slight glimmer
of the truth about the Bush-Harriman firm's Nazi activities now made its
way into the campaign.

Not only was the American Eugenics Society itself headquartered at Yale,
but all parts of this undead fascist movement had a busy home at Yale. The
coercive psychiatry and sterilization advocates had made the Yale/New Haven
Hospital and Yale Medical School their laboratories for hands-on practice
in brain surgery and psychological experimentation. And the Birth Control
League was there, which had long trumpeted the need for eugenical births --
fewer births for parents with "inferior" bloodlines. Prescott's partner
Tighe was a Connecticut director of the league, and the Connecticut
league's medical advisor was the eugenics advocate, Dr. Winternitz of Yale
Medical School.

Now in 1950, people who knew something about Prescott Bush knew that he had
very unsavory roots in the eugenics movement. There were then, just after
the anti-Hitler war, few open advocates of sterilization of "unfit" or
"unnecessary" people. (That would be revived later, with the help of
General Draper and his friend George Bush.) But the Birth Control League
was public -- just about then it was changing its name to the euphemistic
"Planned Parenthood."

Then, very late in the 1950 senatorial campaign, Prescott Bush was publicly
exposed for being an activist in that section of the old fascist eugenics
movement. Prescott Bush lost the election by about 1,000 out of 862,000
votes. He and his family blamed the defeat on the expose. The defeat was
burned into the family's memory, leaving a bitterness and perhaps a desire
for revenge.

In his foreword to a population control propaganda book, George Bush wrote
about that 1950 election: "My own first awareness of birth control as a
public policy issue came with a jolt in 1950 when my father was running for
United States Senate in Connecticut. Drew Pearson, on the Sunday before
Election day, 'revealed' that my father was involved with Planned
Parenthod.... Many political observers felt a sufficient number of voters
were swayed by his alleged contacts with the birth controllers to cost him
the election...." / Note #1 / Note #1

Prescott Bush gave a graphic description of these events in his "oral
history" interview at Columbia University: "In the 1950 campaign, when I
ran against Benton, the very last week, Drew Pearson, famous columnist, was
running a radio program at that time.... In this particular broadcast, just
at the end of our campaign [Pearson said]: "I predict that Benton will
retain his seat in the United States Senate, because it has just been made
known that Prescott Bush, his opponent, is president of the Birth Control
Society" or chairman, member of the board of directors, or something, "of
the Birth Control Society. In this country, and of course with
Connecticut's heavy Catholic population, and its laws against birth control
... this is going to be too much for Bush to rise above. Benton will be
elected. I predict."

The next Sunday, they handed out, at these Catholic Churches in Waterbury
and Torrington and Bridgeport, handbills, quoting Drew Pearson's statement
on the radio about Prescott Bush, you see -- I predict. Well, my telephone
started ringing that Sunday at home, and when I'd answer, or Dotty
[Prescott's wife, George's mother] would answer -- "Is this true, what they
say about Prescott Bush? This can't be true. Is it true?"

She'd say, "No, it isn't tru e." Of course, it wasn't true. But you never
catch up with a thing like this -- the election's just day after tomorrow,
you see? So there's no doubt, in the estimate of our political leaders,
that this one thing cost me many thousand votes -- whether it was 1, 3, 5
or 10 thousand we don't know, we  can't possibly tell, but it was enough.
To have overcome that thousand vote, it would only have had to be 600
switch [sic].

[Mrs. Bush then corrected the timing in Prescott Bush's recollections.]

"I'd forgotten the exact sequence, but that was it.... The state then --
and I think still is -- probably about 55 percent Catholic population, with
all the Italian derivation people [sic], and Polish is very heavy, and the
Catholic church is very dominant here, and the archbishop was death on this
birth control thing. They fought repeal every time it came up in the
legislature, and "we never did get rid of that prohibition until just a
year or two ago," as I recall it [emphasis added]. / Note #1 / Note #2

Prescott Bush was defeated, while the other Republican candidates fared
well in Connecticut. He attributed his loss to the Catholic Church. After
all, he had dependable friends in the news media. The "New York Times"
loved him for his bland pleasantness. He just about owned CBS. Twenty years
earlier, Prescott Bush had personally organized the credit to allow William
S. Paley to buy the CBS (radio, later television) network outright. In
return, Prescott was made a director and the financial leader of CBS; Paley
himself became a devoted follower and servitor of Averell Harriman.

Well, when he tried again, Prescott Bush would not leave the outcome to the
blind whims of the public.

Prescott Bush moved into action in 1952 as a national leader of the push to
give the Republican presidential nomination to Gen. Dwight D. ("Ike")
Eisenhower. Among the other team members were Bush's Hitler-era lawyer John
Foster Dulles, and Jupiter Islander C. Douglas Dillon.

Dillon and his father were the pivots as the Harriman-Dulles combination
readied Ike for the presidency. As a friend put it: "When the Dillons ...
invited [Eisenhower] to dinner it was to introduce him to Wall Street
bankers and lawyers." / Note #1 / Note #3

Ike's higher level backers believed, correctly, that Ike would not
interfere with even the dirtiest of their covert action programs. The
bland, pleasant Prescott Bush was in from the beginning: a friend to Ike,
and an original backer of his presidency.

On July 28, 1952, as the election approached, Connecticut's senior U.S.
senator, James O'Brien McMahon, died at the age of 48. (McMahon had been
Assistant U.S. Attorney General, in charge of the Criminal Division, from
1935 to 1939. Was there a chance he might someday speak out about the
unpunished Nazi-era crimes of the wealthy and powerful?)

This was "extremely" convenient for Prescott. He got the Republican
nomination for U.S. senator at a special delegated meeting, with backing by
the Yale-dominated state party leadership. Now he would run in a special
election for the suddenly vacant Senate seat. He could expect to be swept
into office, since he would be on the same electoral ticket as the popular
war hero, General Ike. By a technicality, he would instantly become
Connecticut's senior senator, with extra power in Congress. And the next
regularly scheduled senatorial race would be in 1956 (when McMahon's term
would have ended), so Prescott could run again in that presidential
election year ... once again on Ike's coattails!

With this arrangement, things worked out very smoothly. In Eisenhower's
1952 election victory, Ike won Connecticut by a margin of 129,507 votes out
of 1,092,471. Prescott Bush came in last among the statewide Republicans,
but managed to win by 30,373 out of 1,088,799, his margin nearly 100,000
behind Eisenhower. He took the traditionally Republican towns.

In Eisenhower's 1956 re-election, Ike won Connecticut by 303,036 out of
1,114,954 votes, the largest presidential margin in Connecticut's history.
Prescott Bush managed to win again, by 129,544 votes out of 1,085,206 --
his margin this time 290,082 smaller than Eisenhower's. / Note #1 / Note #4

In January 1963, when this electoral strategy had been played out and his
second term expired, Prescott Bush retired from government and returned to
Brown Brothers Harriman.

The 1952 Eisenhower victory made John Foster Dulles Secretary of State, and
his brother Allen Dulles head of the CIA. The reigning Dulles brothers were
the "Republican" replacements for their client and business partner,
"Democrat" Averell Harriman. Occasional public posturings aside, their
strategic commitments were identical to his.

Undoubtedly the most important work accomplished by Prescott Bush in the
new regime was on the golf links.

Those who remember the Eisenhower presidency know that Ike played ... quite
a bit of golf! Democrats sneered at him for mindlessness, Republicans
defended him for taking this healthy recreation. Golf was Ike's ruling
passion. And there at his side was the loyal, bland, pleasant Senator
Prescott Bush, former president of the U.S. Golf Association, son-in-law of
the very man who had reformulated the rules of the game.

Prescott Bush was Dwight Eisenhower's favorite golf partner. Prescott could
reassure Ike about his counselors, allay his concerns, and monitor his
moods. Ike was very grateful to Prescott, who never revealed the
President's scores.

The public image of his relationship to the President may be gleaned from a
1956 newspaper profile of Prescott Bush's role in the party. The "New York
Times," which 11 years before had consciously protected him from public
exposure as a Nazi banker, fawned over him in an article entitled, "His
Platform: Eisenhower":"A tall, lean, well-dressed man who looks exactly
like what he is -- a wealthy product of the Ivy League -- is chairman of
the Republican Convention's platform committee. As such, Prescott Bush,
Connecticut's senior United States Senator, has a difficult task: he has to
take one word and expand it to about 5,000.

"The one word, of course, is 'Ike' -- but no party platform could ever be
so simple and direct....

"Thus it is that Senator Bush and his fellow committee members ... find
themselves confronted with the job of wrapping around the name Eisenhower
sufficient verbiage to persuade the public that it is the principles of the
party, and not the grin of the man at the head of it, which makes it worthy
of endorsement in [the] November [election].

"For this task Prescott Bush, a singularly practical and direct
conservative, may not be entirely fitted. It is likely that left to his own
devices he would simply offer the country the one word and let it go at
that.

"He is ... convinced that this would be enough to do the trick ... if only
the game were played that way.

"Since it is not, he can be expected to preside with dignity, fairness and
dispatch over the sessions that will prepare the party credo for the 1956
campaign.

"If by chance there should be any conflicts within the committee ... the
Senator's past can offer a clue to his conduct.

"A former Yale Glee Club and second bass in the All-Time Whiffenpoofs
Quartet, he is ... [called] 'the hottest close-harmony man at Yale in a
span of twenty-five years.'

"Close harmony being a Republican specialty under President Eisenhower, the
hottest close-harmony man at Yale in twenty-five years would seem to be an
ideal choice for the convention job he holds at San Francisco....

"[In addition to his business background, he] also played golf, competing
in a number of tournaments. For eight years he was a member of the
executive committee of the United States Golf Association....

"As a Senator, Connecticut's senior spokeman in the upper house has
followed conservative policies consistent with his business background.

He resigned all his corporate directorships, took a leave from Brown
Brothers, Harriman, and proceeded to go down the line for the Eisenhower
program....

"Around the Senate, he is known as a man who does his committee work
faithfully, defends the Administration stoutly, and f its well into the
clublike atmosphere of Capitol Hill...." / Note #1 / Note #5

"To be continued."


Notes - Chapter 4 Part 1

1. Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, "The Wise Men": Six Friends and the
World They Made -- Acheson, Bohlen, Harriman, Kennan, Lovett, McCloy" (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), p. 377.

2. Reed was better known in high society as a minor diplomat, the founder
of the Triton Press and the president of the American Shakespeare Theater.

3. "Palm Beach Post," January 13, 1991.

4. For Lovett's residency there see Isaacson and Thomas, "op. cit.," p.
417. Some Jupiter Island residencies were verified by their inclusion in
the 1947 membership list of the Hobe Sound Yacht Club, in the Harriman
papers, Library of Congress; others were established from interviews with
long-time Jupiter Islanders.

5. Arthur Burr Darling, "The Central Intelligence Agency: An Instrument of
Government, to 1950", (College Station: Pennsylvania State University,
1990), p. 59.

6. The "Chicago Tribune", Feb 9, 1945, for example, warned of "Creation of
an all-powerful intelligence service to spy on the postwar world and to pry
into the lives of citizens at home. "Cf. Anthony Cave Brown, "Wild Bill
Donovan: The Last Hero", (New York: Times Books, 1982), p. 625, on warnings
to FDR about the British control of U.S. intelligence.

7. Dennis Eisenberg, Uri Dan, Eli Landau, "Meyer Lansky: Mogul of the Mob"
(New York: Paddington Press, 1979) pp. 227-28.

8. See John Ranelagh, "The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA", (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), pp. 131-32.

9. Clark Clifford, "Counsel to the President" (New York: Random House, 1991).

10. Sidney Hyman, "The Life of William Benton" (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1969), pp. 438-41.

11. Phyllis Tilson Piotrow, "World Population Crisis: The United States
Response" (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), "Forward" by George H.W.
Bush, p. vii.

12. Interview with Prescott Bush in the Oral History Research Project
conducted by Columbia University in 1966, Eisenhower Administration Part
II; pp. 62-4.

13. Herbert S. Parmet, "Eisenhower and the American Crusades" (New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1972), p. 14.

14. "New York Times", Sept. 6, 1952, Nov. 5, 1952, Nov. 7, 1956.

15. "New York Times", Aug. 21, 1956.

Continuing


CHAPTER 4

PART 2

"THE CENTER OF POWER IS IN WASHINGTON"

Prescott Bush was a most elusive, secretive senator. By diligent research,
his views on some issues may be traced: He was opposed to the development
of public power projects like the Tennessee Valley Authority; he opposed
the constitutional amendment introduced by Ohio Senator John W. Bricker,
which would have required congressional approval of international
agreements by the executive branch.

But Prescott Bush was essentially a covert operative in Washington.

In June 1954, Bush received a letter from Connecticut resident H. Smith
Richardson, owner of Vick Chemical Company (cough drops, Vapo-Rub). It
read, in part, "... At some time before Fall, Senator, I want to get your
advice and counsel on a [new] subject -- namely what should be done with
the income from a foundation which my brother and I set up, and which will
begin its operation in 1956...." / Note #1 / Note #6

This letter presages the establishment of the "H. Smith Richardson
Foundation", a Bush family-dictated private slush fund which was to be
utilized by the Central Intelligence Agency, and by Vice President Bush for
the conduct of his Iran-Contra adventures.

The Bush family knew Richardson and his wife through their mutual
friendship with Sears Roebuck's chairman, General Robert E. Wood. General
Wood had been president of the America First organization, which had
lobbied against war with Hitler's Germany. H. Smith Richardson had
contributed the start-up money for America First and had spoken out against
the United States "joining the Communists" by fighting Hitler. Richardson's
wife was a proud relative of Nancy Langehorne from Virginia, who married
Lord Astor and backed the Nazis from their Cliveden Estate.

General Wood's daughter Mary had married the son of Standard Oil president
William Stamps Farish. The Bushes had stuck with the Farishes through their
disastrous exposure during World War II (See Chapter 3). Young George Bush
and his bride Barbara were especially close to Mary Farish, and to her son
W.S. Farish III, who would be the great confidante of George's presidency.
/ Note #1 / Note #7

H. Smith Richardson was Connecticut's leading "McCarthyite." He planned an
elaborate strategy for Joe McCarthy's intervention in Connecticut's
November 1952 elections, to finally defeat Senator Benton. / Note #1 / Note
#8 (Benton's 1950 victory over Prescott Bush was only for a two-year
unexpired term. He was running in this election for a full term, at the
same time that Prescott Bush was running to fill the seat left vacant by
Senator McMahon's death). / Note #1 / Note #8

The H. Smith Richardson Foundation was organized by Eugene Stetson, Jr.,
Richardson's son-in-law. Stetson (Skull and Bones, 1934) had worked for
Prescott Bush as assistant manager of the New York branch of Brown Brothers
Harriman.

In the late 1950s, the Smith Richardson Foundation took part in the
"psychological warfare" of the CIA. This was not a foreign, but a domestic
covert operation, carried out mainly against unwitting U.S. citizens. CIA
director Allen Dulles and his British allies organized "MK-Ultra," the
testing of psychotropic drugs including LSD on a very large scale,
allegedly to evaluate "chemical warfare" possibilities.

In this period, the Richardson Foundation helped finance experiments at
Bridgewater Hospital in Massachusetts, the center of some of the most
brutal MK-Ultra tortures. These outrages have been graphically portrayed in
the movie, "Titticut Follies."

During 1990, an investigator for this book toured H. Smith Richardson's
"Center for Creative Leadership" just north of Greensboro, North Carolina.
The tour guide said that in these rooms, agents of the Central Intelligence
Agency and the Secret Service are trained. He demonstrated the two-way
mirrors through which the government employees are watched, while they are
put through mind-bending psychodramas. The guide explained that "virtually
everyone who becomes a general" in the U.S. armed forces also goes through
this "training" at the Richardson Center.

Another office of the Center for Creative Leadership is in Langley,
Virginia, at the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency. Here
also, Richardson's center trains leaders of the CIA.

The Smith Richardson Foundation will be seen in a later chapter, performing
in the Iran-Contra drama around Vice President George Bush.

- * * * -

Prescott Bush worked throughout the Eisenhower years as a confidential ally
of the Dulles brothers. In July 1956, Egypt's President Gamel Abdul Nasser
announced he would accept the U.S. offer of a loan for the construction of
the Aswan dam project. John Foster Dulles then prepared a statement telling
the Egyptian ambassador that the U.S.A. had decided to retract its offer.
Dulles gave the explosive statement in advance to Prescott Bush for his
approval. Dulles also gave the statement to President Eisenhower, and to
the British government. / Note #1 / Note #9

Nasser reacted to the Dulles brush-off by nationalizing the Suez Canal to
pay for the dam. Israel, then Britain and France, invaded Egypt to try to
overthrow Nasser, leader of the anti-imperial Arab nationalists. However,
Eisenhower refused (for once) to play the Dulles-British game, and the
invaders had to leave Egypt when Britain was threatened with U.S. economic
sanctions.

During 1956, Senator Prescott Bush's value to the Harriman-Dulles political
group increased when he was put on the Senate Armed Services Committee.
Bush toured U.S. and allied military bases throughout the world, and had
increased access to the national security decision-making process.

In the later years of the Eisenhower presidency, Gordon Gray rejoined the
government. As an intimate friend and golfing partner of Prescott Bush,
Gray complemented the Bush influence on Ike. The Bus h-Gray family
partnership in the "secret government" continues up through the George Bush
presidency.

Gordon Gray had been appointed head of the new Psychological Strategy Board
in 1951 under Averell Harriman's rule as assistant to President Truman for
national security affairs. From 1958 to 1961 Gordon Gray held the identical
post under President Eisenhower. Gray acted as Ike's intermediary,
strategist and hand-holder, in the President's relations with the CIA and
the U.S. and allied military forces.

Eisenhower did not oppose the CIA's covert action projects; he only wanted
to be protected from the consequences of their failure or exposure. Gray's
primary task, in the guise of "oversight" on all U.S. covert action, was to
protect and hide the growing mass of CIA and related secret government
activities.

It was not only covert "projects" which were developed by the
Gray-Bush-Dulles combination; it was also new, hidden "structures" of the
United States government.

Senator Henry Jackson challenged these arrangements in 1959 and 1960.
Jackson created a Subcommittee on National Policy Machinery of the Senate
Committee on Governmental Operations, which investigated Gordon Gray's
reign at the National Security Council. On January 26, 1960, Gordon Gray
warned President Eisenhower that a document revealing the existence of a
secret part of the U.S. government had somehow gotten into the bibliography
being used by Senator Jackson. The unit was Gray's "5412 Group" within the
administration, officially but secretly in charge of approving covert
action. Under Gray's guidance, Ike "|'was clear and firm in his response'
that Jackson's staff "not" be informed of the existence of this unit
[emphasis in the original]." / Note #2 / Note #0

On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro took power in Cuba. Thereafter, in the
last Eisenhower years, with Castro as a target and universal pretext, the
fatal Cuban-vectored gangster section of the American government was
assembled.

Several figures of the Eisenhower administration must be considered the
fathers of this permanent Covert Action monolith, men who continued
shepherding the monster after its birth in the Eisenhower era:

/ Note #b|"Gordon Gray", the shadowy Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, Prescott Bush's closest executive branch crony
and golf partner along with Eisenhower. By 1959-60, Gray had Ike's total
confidence and served as the Harrimanites' monitor on all U.S. military and
non-military projects.

British intelligence agent Kim Philby defected to the Russians in 1963.
Philby had gained virtually total access to U.S. intelligence activities
beginning in 1949, as the British secret services' liaison to the
Harriman-dominated CIA. After Philby's defection, it seemed obvious that
the aristocratic British intelligence service was in fact a menace to the
western cause. In the 1960s, a small team of U.S. counterintelligence
specialists went to England to investigate the situation. They reported
back that the British secret service could be thoroughly trusted. The
leader of this "expert" team, Gordon Gray, was the head of the
counterespionage section of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board (PFIAB) for Presidents Kennedy through Ford.

/ Note #b|"Robert Lovett," Bush's Jupiter Island neighbor and Brown
Brothers Harriman partner, from 1956 on a member of the President's Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board. Lovett later claimed to have criticized --
from the "inside" -- the plan to invade Cuba at the Bay of Pigs. Lovett was
asked to choose the cabinet for John Kennedy in 1961.

/ Note #b|"CIA Director Allen Dulles," Bush's former international
attorney. Kennedy fired Dulles after the Bay of Pigs invasion, but Dulles
served on the Warren Commission, which whitewashed President Kennedy's
murder.

/ Note #b|"C. Douglas Dillon," neighbor of Bush on Jupiter Island, became
undersecretary of state in 1958 after the death of John Foster Dulles.
Dillon had been John Foster Dulles's ambassador to France (1953-57),
coordinating the original U.S. covert backing for the French imperial
effort in Vietnam, with catastrophic results for the world. Dillon was
treasury secretary for both John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.

/ Note #b|"Ambassador to Britain Jock Whitney," extended family member of
the Harrimans and neighbor of Prescott Bush on Jupiter Island. Whitney set
up a press service in London called Forum World Features, which published
propaganda furnished directly by the CIA and the British intelligence
services. Beginning in 1961, Whitney was chairman of the British Empire's
"English Speaking Union."

/ Note #b|"Senator Prescott Bush," friend and counselor of President
Eisenhower.

Bush's term countinued on in the Senate after the Eisenhower years,
throughout most of the aborted Kennedy presidency.

In 1962, the National Strategy Information Center was founded by Prescott
Bush and his son Prescott, Jr., William Casey (the future CIA chief), and
Leo Cherne. The center came to be directed by Frank Barnett, former program
officer of the Bush family's Smith Richardson Foundation. The center
conduited funds to the London-based Forum World Features, for the
circulation of CIA-authored "news stories" to some 300 newspapers
internationally. / Note #2 / Note #1

"Democrat" Averell Harriman rotated back into official government in the
Kennedy administration. As assistant secretary and undersecretary of state,
Harriman helped push the United States into the Vietnam War. Harriman had
no post in the Eisenhower administration. Yet he was perhaps more than
anyone the leader and the glue for the incredible evil that was hatched by
the CIA in the final Eisenhower years: a half-public, half-private
Harrimanite army, never since demobilized, and increasingly associated with
the name of Bush.

Following the rise of Castro, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
contracted with the organization of Mafia boss Meyer Lansky to organize and
train assassination squads for use against the Cuban government. Among
those employed were John Rosselli, Santos Trafficante, and Sam Giancana.
Uncontested public documentation of these facts has been published by
congressional bodies and by leading Establishment academics. / Note #2 /
Note #2

But the disturbing implications and later consequences of this engagement
are a crucial matter for further study by the citizens of every nation.
This much is established:

On August 18, 1960, President Eisenhower approved a $13 million official
budget for a secret CIA-run guerrilla war against Castro. It is known that
Vice President Richard M. Nixon took a hand in the promotion of this
initiative. The U.S. military was kept out of the covert action plans until
very late in the game.

The first of eight admitted assassination attempts against Castro took
place in 1960.

The program was, of course, a failure, if not a circus. The invasion of
Cuba by the CIA's anti-Castro exiles was put off until after John Kennedy
took over the presidency. As is well known, Kennedy balked at sending in
U.S. air cover and Castro's forces easily prevailed. But the progam
continued.

In 1960, Felix Rodriguez, Luis Posada Carriles, Rafael "Chi Chi" Quintero,
Frank Sturgis (or "Frank Fiorini") and other Florida-based Cuban exiles
were trained as killers and drug-traffickers in the Cuban initiative; their
supervisor was E. Howard Hunt. Their overall CIA boss was Miami station
chief Theodore G. Shackley, seconded by Thomas Clines. In later chapters we
will follow the subsequent careers of these characters -- increasingly
identified with George Bush -- through the Kennedy assassination, the
Watergate coup, and the Iran-Contra scandal.


CHAPTER 5

POPPY AND MOMMY

""Oh Mother, Mother! What have you done? Behold! the heavens do ope. The
gods look down, and this unnatural scene they laugh at." -- "Coriolanus,"
Shakespeare."


The Silver Spoon

George Herbert Walker Bush was born in Milton, Massachusetts, on June 12,
1924. During the next year the family moved to Greenwich, Connecticut, and
established their permanent residency.

Prescott and Dorothy Walker Bush had had a son, Pre scott, Jr., before
George. Later there was a little sister, Nancy, and another brother,
Jonathan; a fourth son, William ("Bucky"), was born 14 years after George,
in 1939.

George was named after his grandfather, George Herbert Walker. Since
George's mother called Grandfather Walker "Pop," she began calling her son,
his namesake, "little Pop," or "Poppy." Hence, Poppy Bush is the name the
President's family friends have called him since his youth.

Prescott, Sr. joined W.A. Harriman & Co. May 1, 1926. With his family's
lucrative totalitarian projects, George Bush's childhood began in comfort
and advanced dramatically to luxury and elegance.

The Bushes had a large, dark-shingled house with "broad verandas and a
portecochere" (originally a roofed structure extending out to the driveway
to protect the gentry who arrived in coaches) on Grove Lane in the Deer
Park section of Greenwich. / Note #1

Here they were attended by four servants -- three maids, one of whom
cooked, and a chauffeur.

The U.S.A. was plunged into the Great Depression beginning with the 1929-31
financial collapse. But George Bush and his family were totally insulated
from this crisis. Before and after the crash, their lives were a frolic,
sealed off from the concerns of the population at large.

During the summers, the Bushes stayed in a second home on the family's
ten-acre spread at Walker's Point at Kennebunkport, Maine. Flush from the
Soviet oil deals and the Thyssen-Nazi Party arrangements, Grandfather
Walker had built a house there for Prescott and Dorothy. They and other
well-to-do summer colonists used Kennebunkport's River Club for tennis and
the club's yachting facilities.

In the winter season, they took the train to Grandfather Walker's
plantation, called "Duncannon," near Barnwell, South Carolina. The novices
were instructed in skeet shooting, then went out on horseback, following
the hounds in pursuit of quail and dove. George's sister Nancy recalled
"the care taken" by the servants "over the slightest things, like the
trimmed edges of the grapefruit. We were waited on by the most wonderful
black servants who would come into the bedrooms early in the morning and
light those crackling pine-wood fires...." / Note #2

The money poured in from the Hamburg-Amerika steamship line, its workforce
crisply regulated by the Nazi Labor Front. The family took yet another
house at Aiken, South Carolina. There the Bush children had socially
acceptable "tennis and riding partners. Aiken was a southern capital of
polo in those days, a winter resort of considerable distinction and
serenity that attracted many Northerners, especially the equestrian
oriented. The Bush children naturally rode there, too...." / Note #3
Averell Harriman, a world-class polo player, also frequented Aiken.

Poppy Bush's father and mother anxiously promoted the family's
distinguished lineage, and its growing importance in the world. Prescott
Bush claimed that he "could trace his family's roots back to England's King
Henry III, making George a thirteenth cousin, twice removed of Queen
Elizabeth." / Note #4

This particular conceit may be a bad omen for President Bush. The cowardly,
acid-tongued Henry III was defeated by France's Louis IX (Saint Louis) in
Henry's grab for power over France and much of Europe. Henry's own barons
at length revolted against his blundering arrogance, and his power was
curbed.

As the 1930s economic crisis deepened, Americans experienced unprecedented
hardship and fear. The Bush children were taught that those who suffered
these problems had no one to blame but themselves.

A hack writer, hired to puff President Bush's "heroic military background,"
wrote these lines from material supplied by the White House:

"Prescott Bush was a thrifty man.... He had no sympathy for the nouveau
riches who flaunted their wealth -- they were without class, he said. As a
sage and strictly honest businessman, he had often turned failing companies
around, making them profitable again, and he had scorn for people who went
bankrupt because they mismanaged their money. Prescott's lessons were
absorbed by young George...." / Note #5

When he reached the age of five, George Bush joined his older brother Pres
in attending the Greenwich Country Day School. The brothers' "lives were
charted from birth. Their father had determined that his sons would be ...
educated and trained to be members of America's elite.... Greenwich Country
Day School [was] an exclusive all-male academy for youngsters slated for
private secondary schools....

"Alec, the family chauffeur, drove the two boys to school every morning
after dropping Prescott, Sr. at the railroad station for the morning
commute to Manhattan. The Depression was nowhere in evidence as the boys
glided in the family's black Oldsmobile past the stone fences, stables, and
swimming pools of one of the wealthiest communities in America." / Note #6

But though the young George Bush had no concerns about his material
existence, one must not overlook the important, private anxiety gnawing at
him from the direction of his mother.

The President's wife, Barbara, has put most succinctly the question of
Dorothy Bush and her effect on George: ""His mother was the most
competitive living human."" / Note #7

If we look here in his mother's shadow, we may find something beyond the
routine medical explanations for President Bush's "driven" states of rage,
or hyperactivity.

Mother Bush was the best athlete in the family, the fastest runner. She was
hard. She expected others to be hard. They must win, but they must always
"appear" not to care about winning.

This is put politely, delicately, in a "biography" written by an admiring
friend of the President: "She was with them day after day, ... often
curbing their egos as only a marine drill instructor can. Once when ...
George lost a tennis match, he explained to her that he had been off his
game that morning. She retorted, 'You don't have a game.'|" / Note #8

According to this account, Barbara was fascinated by her mother-in-law's
continuing ferocity: "George, playing mixed doubles with Barbara on the
Kennebunkport court, ran into a porch and injured his right shoulder blade.
'His mother said it was my ball to hit, and it happened because I didn't
run for it. She was probably right,' Barbara told [an interviewer].... When
a discussion of someone's game came up, as Barbara described it, 'if Mrs.
Bush would say, "'She had some good shots," it meant she stank. That's just
the way she got the message across. When one of the grandchildren brought
this girl home, everybody said, "We think he's going to marry her," and she
said, "Oh, no, she won't play net.'|" / Note #9 (I.e., she was not tough
enough to stand unflinchingly and return balls hit to her at close range.)

A goad to "rapid motion" became embedded in his personality. It is
observable throughout George Bush's life.

A companion trait was Poppy's uncanny urge, his master obsession with the
need to "kiss up," to propitiate those who might in any way advance his
interests. A life of such efforts could at some point reach a climax of
released rage, where the triumphant one may finally say, "Now it is only I
who must be feared."

This dangerous cycle began very early, a response to his mother's prodding
and intimidation; it intensified as George became more able to calculate
his advantage.

His mother says: "George was a most unselfish child. When he was only a
little more than two years old ... we bought him one of those pedal cars
you climb into and work with your feet.

"[His brother] Pres knew just how to work it, and George came running over
and grabbed the wheel and told Pres he should 'have half,' meaning half of
his new posession. 'Have half, have half,' he kept repeating, and for a
while around the house we called him 'Have half.'|" / Note #1 / Note #0

George "learned to ask for no more than what was due him. Although not the
school's leading student, his report card was always good, and his mother
was particularly pleased that he was always graded 'excellent' in one
category she thought of great importance: 'Claims no more than his fa ir
share of time and attention.' This consistent ranking led to a little
family joke -- George always did best in 'Claims no more.'

"He was not a selfish child, did not even display the innocent
possessiveness common to most children...." / Note #1 / Note #1


At Andover

George Bush left Greenwich Country Day School in 1936. He joined his older
brother at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts, 20  miles north of
Boston. "Poppy" was 12 years old, handsome, and rich. Though the U.S.
economy took a savage turn for the worse the following year, George's
father was piling up a fortune, arranging bond swindles for the Nazis with
John Foster Dulles.

Only about one in 14 U.S. secondary school students could afford to be in
private schools during George Bush's stay at Andover (1936-42). The New
England preparatory or "prep" schools were the most exclusive. Their
students were almost all rich white boys, many of them Episcopalians. And
Andover was, in certain strange ways, the most exclusive of them all.

A 1980 campaign biography prepared by Bush's own staff concedes that "it
was to New England that they returned to be educated at select schools that
produce leaders with a patrician or aristocratic stamp -- adjectives,
incidentally, which cause a collective wince among the Bushes.... At the
close of the 1930s ... these schools ... brought the famous 'old-boy
networks' to the peak of their power." / Note #1 / Note #2

These American institutions have been consciously modeled on England's
elite private schools (confusingly called "public" schools because they
were open to all English boys with sufficient money). The philosophy
inculcated into the son of a British Lord Admiral or South African police
chief, was to be imbibed by sons of the American republic.

George made some decisive moral choices about himself in these first years
away from home. The institution which guided these choices, and helped
shape the peculiar obsessions of the 41st President, was a pit of
Anglophile aristocratic racialism when George Bush came on the scene.

"Andover was ... less dedicated to 'elitism' than some [schools].... There
were even a couple of blacks in the classes, tokens of course, but this at
a time when a black student at almost any other Northeastern prep school
would have been unthinkable." / Note #1 / Note #3

Andover had a vaunted "tradition," intermingled with the proud bloodlines
of its students and alumni, that was supposed to reach back to the school's
founding in 1778. But a closer examination reveals this "tradition" to be a
fraud. It is part of a larger, highly significant historical fallacy
perpetrated by the Anglo-Americans -- and curiously stressed by Bush's
agents in foreign countries.

Thomas Cochran, a partner of the J.P. Morgan banking firm, donated
considerable sums to construct swanky new Andover buildings in the 1920s.
Among these were George Washington Hall and Paul Revere Hall, named for
leaders of the American Revolution against the British Empire. These and
similar "patriotic" trappings, with the allumni's old school-affiliated
genealogies, might seem to indicate an unbroken line of racial imperialists
like Cochran and his circle, reaching back to the heroes of the Revolution!

Let us briefly tour Andover's history, and then ponder whether General
Washington would want to be identified with Poppy Bush's school.

Thirty years after Samuel Phillips founded the Academy at Andover,
Massachusetts, the quiet little school became embroiled in a violent
controversy. On one side were certain diehard pro-British families, known
as Boston Brahmins, who had prospered in the ship transportation of rum and
black slaves. They had regained power in Boston since their allies had lost
the 1775-83 Revolutionary War.

In 1805 these cynical, neo-pagan, "Tory" families succeeded in placing
their representative in the Hollis chair of Philosophy at Harvard College.
The Tories, parading publicly as liberal religionists called Unitarians,
were opposed by American nationalists led by the geographer-historian Rev.
Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826). The nationalists rallied the Christian churches
of the northeastern states behind a plan to establish, at Andover, a new
religious institution which would counter the British spies, atheists, and
criminals who had taken over Harvard.

British Empire political operatives Stephen Higginson, Jr. and John Lowell,
Jr. published counterattacks against Rev. Morse, claiming he was trying to
rouse the lower classes of citizens to hatred against the wealthy merchant
families. Then the Tories played the "conservative" card. Ultra-orthodox
Calvinists, actually business partners to the Harvard liberals, threatened
to set up their own religious institution in Tory-dominated Newburyport.
Their assertion, that Morse was not conservative enough, split the
resources of the region's Christians, until the Morse group reluctantly
brought the Newburyport ultras as partners into the management of the
Andover Theological Seminary in 1808.

The new theological seminary and the adjacent boys' academy were now
governed together under a common board of trustees (balanced between the
Morse nationalists and the Newburyport anti-nationalists, the opposing
wings of the old Federalist Party).

Jedidiah Morse made Andover the headquarters of a rather heroic,
anti-racist, Christian missionary movement, bringing literacy, printing
presses, medicine, and technological education to Southeast Asia and
American Indians, notably the Georgia Cherokees. This activist Andover
doctrine of racial equality and American Revolutionary spirit was despised
and feared by British opium pushers in East Asia and by Boston's blueblood
Anglophiles. Andover missionaries were eventually jailed in Georgia; their
too-modern Cherokee allies were murdered and driven into exile by
proslavery mobs.

When Jedidiah Morse's generation died out, the Andover missionary movement
was crushed by New England's elite families -- who were then Britain's
partners in the booming opium traffic. Andover was still formally Christian
after 1840; Boston's cynical Brahmins used Andover's orthodox Protestant
board to prosecute various of their opponents as "heretics."

Neo-paganism and occult movements bloomed after the Civil War with Darwin's
new materialist doctrines. In the 1870s, the death-worshipping Skull and
Bones Society sent its alumni members back from Yale University, to
organize aristocratic secret satanic societies for the teenagers at the
Andover prep school. But these cults did not yet quite flourish. National
power was still precariously balanced between the imperial Anglo-American
financiers, and the old-line nationalists who built America's railroads,
steel and electrical industries.

The New Age aristocrats proclaimed their victory under Theodore Roosevelt's
presidency (1901-09). The Andover Theological Seminary wound up its affairs
and moved out of town, to be merged with the Harvard Divinity School!
Andover prep school was now largely free of the annoyance of religion, or
any connection whatsoever with the American spirit. Secret societies for
the school's children, modeled on the barbarian orders at Yale, were now
established in permanent, incorporated headquarters buildings just off
campus at Andover. Official school advisers were assigned to each secret
society, who participated in their cruel and literally insane rituals.

When J.P. Morgan partner Thomas Cochran built Andover's luxurious modern
campus for boys like Poppy Bush, the usurpers of America's name had cause
to celebrate. Under their supervision, fascism was rising in Europe. The
new campus library was named for Oliver Wendell Holmes, Andover class of
1825. This dreadful poet of the "leisure class," a tower of Boston
blue-blooded conceit, was famous as the father of the twentieth century
U.S. Supreme Court justice. His son, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., symbolized
the arbitrary rule of the racial purity advocates, the usurpers, over
American society.


The Secret Societies

Andover installed a new headmaster in 1933. Claude Moore Fuess (rhymes with
fleece) replaced veteran headmaster Alfred E. Stear ns, whom the Brahmins
saw as a dyed-in-the-wool reactionary. Stearns was forced out over a
"scandal": a widower, he had married his housekeeper, who was beneath his
social class.

The new headmaster was considered forward-looking and flexible, to meet the
challenges of the world political crisis: for example, Fuess favored
psychiatry for the boys, something Stearns wouldn't tolerate.

Claude Fuess had been an Andover history teacher since 1908, and gained
fame as an historian. He was one of the most skillful liars of the modern
age.

Fuess had married into the Boston Cushing family. He had written the
family-authorized whitewash biography of his wife's relative, Caleb
Cushing, a pro-slavery politician of the middle nineteenth century. The
outlandish, widely known corruption of Cushing's career was matched by
Fuess's bold, outrageous coverup. / Note #1 / Note #4

During George Bush's years at Andover, his headmaster, Fuess, wrote an
authorized biography of Calvin Coolidge, the late U.S. President. This work
was celebrated in jest as a champion specimen of unwholesome flattery. In
other books, also about the bluebloods, Fuess was simply given the family
papers and designated the chief liar for the "Bostonian Race."

Both the Cushing and Coolidge families had made their fortunes in opium
trafficking. Bush's headmaster named his son John Cushing Fuess, perhaps
after the fabled nineteenth century dope kingpin who had made the Cushings
rich. / Note #1 / Note #5

Headmaster Fuess used to say to his staff, "I came to power with Hitler and
Mussolini."/ Note #1 / Note #6 This was not merely a pleasantry, referring
to his appointment the year Hitler took over Germany.

In his 1939 memoirs, Headmaster Fuess expressed the philosophy which must
guide the education of the well-born young gentlemen under his care:

"Our declining birth rate ... may perhaps indicate a step towards national
deterioration. Among the so-called upper and leisure classes, noticeably
among the university group, the present birth rate is strikingly low. Among
the Slavonic and Latin immigrants, on the other hand, it is relatively
high. We seem thus to be letting the best blood thin out and disappear;
while at the same time our humanitarian efforts for the preservation of the
less fit, those who for some reason are crippled and incapacitated, are
being greatly stimulated. The effect on the race will not become apparent
for some generations and certainly cannot now be accurately predicted; but
the phenomenon must be mentioned if you are to have a true picture of what
is going on in the United States." / Note #1 / Note #7

Would George Bush adopt this anti-Christian outlook as his own? One can
never know for sure how a young person will respond to the doctrines of his
elders, no matter how cleverly presented. There is a much higher degree of
certainty that he will conform to criminal expectations, however, if the
student is brought to practice cruelty against other youngsters, and to
degrade himself in order to get ahead. At Andover, this was where the
secret societies came in.

Nothing like Andover's secret societies existed at any other American
school. What were they all about?

Bush's friend Fitzhugh Greene wrote in 1989: "Robert L. 'Tim' Ireland,
Bush's longtime supporter [and Brown Brothers Harriman partner], who later
served on the Andover board of trustees with him, said he believed [Bush]
had been in AUV. 'What's that?' I asked. 'Can't tell you,' laughed Ireland.
'It's secret!' Both at Andover and Yale, such groups only bring in a small
percentage of the total enrollment in any class. 'That's a bit cruel to
those who don't make AU[V] or 'Bones,'|" conceded Ireland. / Note #1 / Note
#8

A retired teacher, who was an advisor to one of the groups, cautiously
disclosed in his bicentennial history of Andover, some aspects of the
secret societies. The reader should keep in mind that this account was
published by the school, to celebrate itself: "A charming account of the
early days of K.O.A, the oldest of the Societies, was prepared by Jack
[i.e. Claude Moore] Fuess, a member of the organization, on the occasion of
their Fiftieth Anniversary. The Society was founded in ... 1874....

"[A] major concern of the membership was the initiation ceremony. In K.O.A.
the ceremony involved visiting one of the local cemeteries at midnight,
various kinds of tortures, running the gauntlet -- though the novice was
apparrently punched rather than paddled, being baptized in a water tank,
being hoisted in the air by a pulley, and finally being placed in a coffin,
where he was cross-examined by the members.... K.O.A. was able to hold the
loyalty of its members over the years to become a powerful institution at
Phillips Academy and to erect a handsome pillared Society house on School
Street.

"The second Society of the seven that would survive until 1950 was A.U.V.
[George Bush's group]. The letters stood for Auctoritas, Unitas, Veritas.
[Authority, Unity, Truth]. This organization resulted from a merger of two
... earlier Societies ... in 1877. A new constitution was drawn up ...
providing for four chief officers -- Imperator [commander], Vice Imperator
[vice-commander], Scriptor [secretary], and Quaestor [magistrate or
inquistor]....

"Like K.O.A, A.U.V. had an elaborate initiation ceremony. Once a pledge had
been approved by the Faculty, he was given a letter with a list of rules he
was to follow. He was to be in the cemetery every night from 12:30 to 5:00,
deliver a morning paper to each member of the Society each morning, must
not comb or brush his hair nor wash his face or hands, smoke nothing but a
clay pipe with Lucky Strike tobacco, and not speak to any student except
members of A.U.V.

"After the pledge had memorized these rules, his letter of instruction was
burned. The pledge had now become a 'scut' and was compelled to learn many
mottoes and incantations. On Friday night of initiation week the scut was
taken to Hartigan's drugstore downtown and given a 'scut sundae,' which
consisted of pepper, ice cream, oysters, and raw liver. Later that night he
reported to the South Church cemetery, where he had to wait for two hours
for the members to arrive. There followed the usual horseplay -- the scut
was used as a tackling dummy, threats were made to lock him in a tomb, and
various other ceremonies observed. On Saturday afternoon the scut was taken
on a long walk around town, being forced to stop at some houses and ask for
food, to urinate on a few porches, and generally to make a fool of himself.
On Saturday night came the initiation proper. The scut was prepared by
reporting to the cellar in his underwear and having dirt and flour smeared
all over his body. He was finally cleaned up and brought to the initiation
room, where a solemn ceremony followed, ending with the longed-for words
'Let him have light,' at which point his blindfold was removed, some oaths
were administered, and the boy was finally a member...."


Notes for Chapter 4 - Part 2

16. Richardson to Prescott Bush, June 10, 1954, H. Smith Richardson Papers,
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

17. Wayne S. Cole, "America First: The Battle Against Intervention,
1940-1941" (Madison: the University of Wisconsin Press, 1953); Interviews
with Richardson family employees; H. Smith Richardson Foundation annual
reports; Richardson to Prescott Bush, March 26, 1954, Richardson Papers.
"Washington Post", April 29, 1990.

18. Richardson to Chase Bank executive Cole Younger, Sept. 17, 1952, H.
Smith Richardson Papers, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

19. Parmet, Herbert S., "Eisenhower and the American Crusades" (New York:
MacMillan Company, 1972), p. 481.

20. John Prados, "Keepers of the Keys: A History of the National Security
Council from Truman to Bush" (New York: William Morrow, 1991) pp. 92-95.

21. Robert Callaghan in "Covert Action", No. 33, Winter 1990. Prescott, Jr.
was a board member of the National Strategy Information Center as of 1991.
Both Prescott Sr. and Jr. were deeply involved along with Casey in the
circles of Pan American Airlines, Pan Am's owners the Grace family, and the
CIA's Latin American a ffairs. The Center, based in Washington D.C.,
declines public inquiries about its founding.

See also "EIR Special Report", "American Leviathan: Administrative Fascism
under the Bush Regime" (Wiesbaden, Germany: Executive Intelligence Review
Nachrichtenagentur, April, 1990), p. 192.

22. For example, see Trumbull Higgins, "The Perfect Failure: Kennedy,
Eisenhower, and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs" (New York: W.W. Norton and Co.,
1987), pp.55-56, 89-90.

Unverified information on the squads is provided in the affidavit of Daniel
P. Sheehan, attorney for the Christic Institute, reproduced in "EIR Special
Report" "Project Democracy: The 'Parallel Government' behind the Iran
Contra Affair" (Washington, D.C.: Executive Intelligence Review, 1987), pp.
249-50.

Some of the hired assassins have published their memoirs. See, for example
Felix Rodriguez and John Weisman, "Secret Warrior" (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1989); and E. Howard Hunt, "Undercover: Memoirs of an American
Secret Agent" (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1974).


Notes for Chapter 5

1. Nicholas King, "George Bush: A Biography" (New York: Dodd, Mead &
Company, 1980), pp. 13-14.

2. "Ibid.," p. 19.

3. "Ibid."

4. Joe Hyams, "Flight of the Avenger: George Bush at War" (New York:
Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovitch, 1991), p. 14.

5. "Ibid.," p. 17.

6. "Ibid.," pp. 16-17.

7. Donnie Radcliffe, "Simply Barbara Bush" (New York: Warner Books, 1989),
p. 132.

8. Fitzhugh Green, "George Bush: An Intimate Portrait" (New York:
Hippocrene Books, 1989), p. 16.

9. Radcliffe, "op. cit.," p. 133.

10. King, "op. cit," p. 14.

11. Hyams, "op. cit.," pp. 17-19.

12. King, "op. cit.," pp. 10, 20.

13. "Ibid.," p. 21.

14. Claude M. Fuess, "The Life of Caleb Cushing," 2 vols. (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1923).

15. John Perkins Cushing was a multi-millionaire opium smuggler who retired
to Watertown, Massachusetts with servants dressed as in a Canton gangster
carnival. See Vernon L. Briggs, "History and Genealogy of the Cabot Family,
1475-1927" (Boston: privately printed, 1927), Vol. II, pp. 558-559. John
Murray Forbes, "Letters and Recollections", (reprinted New York: Arno
Press, 1981), Vol. I, p. 62-63. Mary Caroline Crawford, "Famous Families of
Massachusetts" (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1930), 2 vols.

16. Interview with a retired Andover teacher.

17. Claude M. Fuess, "Creed of a Schoolmaster" (reprinted Freeport, New
York: Books for Libraries Press, 1970), pp. 192-93.

18. Green, "op. cit.," p. 49.

19. Frederick S. Allis, "Youth from Every Quarter: A Bicentennial History
of Phillips Academy, Andover" (Andover, Mass.: Phillips Academy, 1979),
distributed by the University Press of New England, Hanvover, N.H.), pp.
505-7.

The hierarchical top banana of the AUV secret society in George's 1942
Andover class was Godfrey Anderson ("Rocky") Rockefeller. In the yearbook
just above the AUV roster is a photograph of "Rocky Rockefeller" and "Lem
[Lehman F.] Beardsley"; Rockefeller stands imperiously without a shirt,
Beardsley scowls from behind sunglasses. Certainly the real monarch of
George Bush's Andover secret society, and George's sponsor, was this
"Rocky'|"s father, "Godfrey S. Rockefeller."

The latter gentleman had been on the staff of the Yale University
establishment in China in 1921-22. Yale and the Rockefellers were breeding
a grotesque communist insurgency with British Empire ideology; another Yale
staffer there was Mao Zedong, later the communist dictator and mass
murderer. While he was over in China, Papa Godfrey's cousin Isabel had been
the bridesmaid at the wedding of George Bush's parents. His Uncle Percy had
co-founded the Harriman bank with George Walker, and backed George Bush's
father in several Nazi German enterprises. His grandfather had been the
founding treasurer of the Standard Oil Company, and had made the Harrimans
(and thus ultimately George Bush) rich.

Faculty adviser to AUV in those days was Norwood Penrose Hallowell; his
father by the same name was chairman of Lee, Higginson & Co. private
bankers, the chief financiers of Boston's extreme racialist political
movements. The elder Hallowell was based in London throughout the 1930s, on
intimate terms with Montagu Norman and his pro-Hitler American banking
friends....

One of Poppy Bush's teachers at Andover, now in retirement, offered to an
interviewer for this book, a striking picture of his former pupil. How was
the President as a student?

"He never said a word in class. He was bored to death. And other teachers told me Bush was the worst English student
ever in the school."

But was this teenager simply slow, or dull? On the contrary.

"He was the classic 'BMOC' (Big Man On Campus). A great glad-hander. Always
smiling." / Note #2 / Note #1....

George Bush was the most insistent self-promoter on the campus. He was able
to pursue this career, being fortunately spared from the more mundane
chores some other students had to do. For example, he mailed his dirty
laundry home each week, to be done by the servants. It was mailed back to
him clean and folded. / Note #2 / Note #2....

One may ask, in what way are President Bush and his backers conscious of an
oligarchical tradition? For a clue, let us look at the case of Arthur Burr
Darling, George Bush's prep school history teacher.

Just after Claude Fuess "came into power with Hitler and Mussolini" in
1933, Fuess brought [Arthur Burr] Darling in to teach. Dr. Darling was head
of the Andover history department from 1937 to 1956, and Faculty Guardian
of one of the secret societies. His "Political Changes in Massachusetts,
1824 to 1848" covered the period of Andover's eclipse by Boston's
aristocratic opium lords. Darling's book attacks Andover's greatest
humanitarian, Jedidiah Morse, as a dangerous lunatic, because Morse warned
about international criminal conspiracies involving these respectable
Bostonians. The same book attacks President John Quincy Adams as a
misguided troublemaker, responsible with Morse for the anti-freemasonic
movement in the 1820s-30s.

Arthur Burr Darling, while still head of Andover's history department, was
chosen by the Harrimanites to organize the historical files of the new
Central Intelligence Agency, and to write the CIA's own official account of
its creation and first years. Since this cynical project was secret,
Darling's 1971 obituary did not reflect his CIA employment. / Note #3 /
Note #0

Darling's "The Central Intelligence Agency: An Instrument of Government, to
1950" was classified Secret on its completion in December 1953.... This
mercenary work was finally declassified in 1989 and was published by
Pennsylvania State University in 1990. Subsequent editions of "Who Was Who
in America" were changed, in the fashion of Joe Stalin's "history
revisers," to tell the latest, official version of what George Bush's
history teacher had done with his life....

Secretary of War Henry Stimson, who was also the president of the board of
Andover Prep, made a famous speech in June 1942, to Poppy Bush and the
other graduating Andover boys. Stimson told them the war would be long, and
they, the elite, should go on to college.

But George Bush had some very complicated problems. The decision had
already been made that he would join the service and get quite far away
from where he had been. For reasons of family (which will be discussed in
Chapter 7 on Skull and Bones) there was a very special niche waiting for
him in naval aviation.

There was one serious hitch in this plan. It was illegal. Though he would
be 18 years old on June 12, he would not have the two years of college the
Navy required for its aviators.

Well, if you had an "urgent" problem, perhaps the law could be simply "set
aside, for you and you alone," ahead of all the 5 million poor slobs who
had to go in the mud with the infantry or swab some stinking deck --
especially if your private school's president was currently Secretary of
War (Henry Stimson), if your father's banking partner was currently
Assistant Secretary of War for Air (Robert Lovett), and if your father had
launched the career of the current Assistant Navy Secretary for Air
(Artemus Gates).

And it was done.

As a Bush-authorized version puts it, "One wonders why the Navy relaxed its
two years of college requirement for flight training in George Bush's case.
He had built an outstanding record at school as a scholar [sic], athlete
and campus leader, but so had countless thousands of other youths.

"Yet it was George Bush who appeared to be the only beneficiary of this
rule-waiving, and thus he eventually emerged as the youngest pilot in the
Navy -- a  fact that he can still boast about and because of which he
enjoyed a certain celebrity during the war." / Note #3 / Note #4


Notes

21. Spoke on condition of non-attribution.

22. Hyams, "op. cit.," pp. 23-24.

30. See "New York Times," Nov. 29, 1971.

32. Allis, "op. cit.," p. 512.

33. "Newsweek," August 9, 1943; "Boston Globe," July 22, 1943.

34. Green, "op. cit.," page 28.



CHAPTER 6:

(untitled)

"Plut aux dieux que ce fut le dernier de ses crimes!

-- Racine, "Britannicus"

George Bush has always traded shamelessly on his alleged record as a naval
aviator during the Second World War in the Pacific theatre. During the 1964
Senate campaign in Texas against Senator Ralph Yarborough, Bush televised a
grainy old film which depicted young George being rescued at sea by the
crew of the submarine "USS Finnback" after his Avenger torpedo bomber was
hit by Japanese anti-aircraft fire during a bombing raid on the island of
Chichi Jima on September 2, 1944. That film, retrieved from the Navy
archives, backfired when it was put on the air too many times, eventually
becoming something of a maladroit cliche.

Bush's campaign literature has always celebrated his alleged military
exploits and the Distinguished Flying Cross he received. As we become
increasingly familiar with the power of the Brown Brothers Harriman/Skull
and Bones network working for Senator Prescott Bush, we will learn to
become increasingly skeptical of such official accolades and of the
official accounts on which they are premised.

During Bush's Gulf war adventure of 1990-91, the adulation of Bush's
ostensible warrior prowess reached levels that were previously considered
characteristic of openly totalitarian and militaristic regimes. Late in
1990, after Bush had committed himself irrevocably to his campaign of
bombing and savagery against Iraq, hack writer Joe Hyams completed an
authorized account of George Bush at war. This was entitled "Flight of the
Avenger," and appeared during the time of the Middle East conflagration
that was the product of Bush's obsessions.

Hyams's work had the unmistakeable imprimatur of the regime: Not just
George, but also Barbara had been interviewed during its preparation, and
its adulatory tone placed this squalid text squarely within the "red
Studebaker" school of political hagiography.

The appearance of such a book at such a time is suggestive of the practice
of the most infamous twentieth-century dictatorships, in which the figure
of the strong man, Fuehrer, duce, or vozhd as he might be called, has been
used for the transmission of symbolic-allegorical directives to the subject
population. Was fascist Italy seeking to assert its economic autarky in
food production in the face of trade sanctions by the League of Nations?
Then a film would be produced by the MINCULPOP (the Ministry of Popular
Culture, or propaganda) depicting Mussolini indefatigably harvesting grain.
Was Nazi Germany in the final stages of preparation of a military campaign
against a neighboring state? If so, Goebbels would orchestrate a cascade of
magazine articles and best-selling pulp evoking the glories of Hitler in
the trenches of 1914-18. Closer to our own time, Leonid Brezhnev sought to
aliment his own personality cult with a little book called "Malaya Zemlya,"
an account of his war experiences which was used by his propagandists to
motivate his promotion to Marshal of the U.S.S.R. and the erection of a
statue in his honor during his own lifetime. This is the tradition to which
"Flight of the Avenger" belongs.

Bush tells us in his campaign autobiography that he decided to enlist in
the armed forces, specifically naval aviation, shortly after he heard of
the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. About six months later, Bush graduated
from Phillips Academy at Andover, and the commencement speaker was
Secretary of War Henry Stimson, eminence grise of the U.S. ruling elite.
Stimson was possibly mindful of the hecatomb of young members of the
British ruling classes which had occurred in the trenches of World War I on
the western front. In any event, Stimson's advice to the Andover graduates
was that the war would go on for a long time, and that the best way of
serving the country was to continue one's education in college. Prescott
Bush supposedly asked his son if Stimson's recommendation had altered his
plan to enlist. Young Bush answered that he was still committed to join the
Navy.

Henry L. Stimson was certainly an authoritative spokesman for the Eastern
Liberal Establishment, and Bushman propaganda has lately exalted him as one
of the seminal influences on Bush's political outlook. Stimson had been
educated at both Yale (where he had been tapped by Skull and Bones) and
Harvard Law School. He became the law partner of Elihu Root, who was
Theodore Roosevelt's Secretary of State. Stimson had been Theodore
Roosevelt's anti-corruption, trust-busting U.S. Attorney in New York City
during the first years of the FBI, then Taft's secretary of war, a colonel
of artillery in World War I, governor general of the Philippines for
Coolidge, secretary of state for Hoover, and enunciator of the "Stimson
doctrine." This last was a piece of hypocritical posturing directed against
Japan, asserting that changes in the international order brought about by
force of arms (and thus in contravention of the Kellogg-Briand Pact of
1928) should not be given diplomatic recognition. This amounted to a U.S.
commitment to uphold the Versailles system, the same policy upheld by
Baker, Eagleburger and Kissinger in the Serbian war on Slovenia and Croatia
during 1991. Stimson, though a Republican, was brought into Roosevelt's war
cabinet in 1940 in token of bipartisan intentions.

But in 1942, Bush was not buying Stimson's advice. It is doubtless
significant that in the mind of young George Bush, World War II meant
exclusively the war in the Pacific, against the Japanese. In the
Bush-approved accounts of this period of his life, there is scarcely a
mention of the European theatre, despite the fact that Roosevelt and the
entire Anglo-American establishment had accorded strategic priority to the
"Germany first" scenario. Young George, it would appear, had his heart set
on becoming a Navy flier.


Rules Bent for Bush

Normally the Navy required two years of college from volunteers wishing to
become naval aviators. But, for reasons which have never been
satisfactorily explained, young George was exempted from this requirement.
Had father Prescott's crony Artemus Gates, the assistant secretary of the
navy for air, been instrumental in making the exception, which was the key
to allowing George to become the youngest of all navy pilots?

On June 12, 1942, his eighteenth birthday, Bush joined the Navy in Boston
as a seaman second class. / Note #1 He was ordered to report for active
duty as an aviation cadet on August 6, 1942. After a last date with
Barbara, George was taken to Penn Station in New York City by father
Prescott to board a troop train headed for Chapel Hill, North Carolina. At
Chapel Hill Naval Air Station, one of Bush's fellow cadets was the
well-known Boston Red Sox hitter Ted Williams, who would later join Bush on
the campaign trail in his desperate fight in the New Hampshire primary in
February 1988.

After preflight training at Chapel Hill, Bush moved on to Wold-Chamberlain
Naval Airfield in Minneapolis, Minnesota, where he flew solo for the first
time in November 1942. In February 1943 Bush moved on to Corpus Christi,
Texas for further training. Bush received his commission as an ensign at
Corpus Christi on June 9, 1943.

After this, Bush moved through a number of naval air bases over a period of
almost a year for various types of advanced trai ning. In mid-June 1943, he
was learning to fly the Grumman TBF Avenger torpedo-bomber at Fort
Lauderdale, Florida. In August, he made landings on the "USS Sable," a
paddle-wheel ship that was used as an aircraft carrier for training
purposes. During the summer of 1943, Bush spent a couple of weeks of leave
with Barbara at Walker's Point in Kennebunkport; their engagement was
announced in the "New York Times" of December 12, 1943.

Later in the summer of 1943, Bush moved on to theNaval Air Base at Norfolk,
Virginia. In September 1943 Bush's new squadron, called VT-51, moved on to
the Naval Air Station at Chincoteague, Virginia, located on the Delmarva
peninsula. On December 14, 1943 Bush and his squadron were brought to
Philadelphia to attend the commissioning of the "USS San Jacinto" (CVL30),
a light attack carrier built on a cruiser hull. Since the name of the ship
recalled Sam Houston's defeat of the Mexican leader Santa Ana in 1836, and
since the ship flew a Lone Star flag, Bushman propaganda has made much of
these artifacts in an attempt to buttress "carpetbag" Bush's tenuous
connections to the state of Texas. Bush's VF-51 squadron reported on board
this ship for a shakedown cruise on February 6, 1944, and on March 25, 1944
the "San Jacinto" left for San Diego by way of the Panama Canal. The "San
Jacinto" reached Pearl Harbor on April 20, 1944, and was assigned to
Admiral Marc A. Mitscher's Task Force 58/38, a group of fast carriers, on
May 2, 1944.


Bush Bails Out

In June, Bush's ship joined battle with Japanese forces in the Marianas
archipelago. Here Bush flew his first combat missions. On June 17, a loss
of oil pressure forced Bush to make an emergency landing at sea. Bush,
along with his two crew members, gunner Leo Nadeau and radioman-tail gunner
John L. Delaney, were picked up by a U.S. destroyer after some hours in the
water. Bush's first Avenger, named by him the Barbara, was lost.

During July 1944 Bush took part in 13 air strikes, many in connection with
the U.S. Marines' landing on Guam. In August, Bush's ship proceeded to the
area of Iwo Jima and Chichi Jima in the Bonin Islands for a new round of
sorties.

On September 2, 1944 Bush and three other Avenger pilots, escorted by
Hellcat fighter planes, were directed to attack a radio transmitter on
Chichi Jima. Planes from the "USS Enterprise" would also join in the
attack. On this mission Bush's rear-seat gunner would not be the usual Leo
Nadeau, but rather Lt. Junior Grade William Gardner "Ted" White, the
squadron ordnance officer of VT-51, already a Yale graduate and already a
member of Skull and Bones. White's father had been a classmate of Prescott
Bush. White took his place in the rear-facing machine gun turret of Bush's
TBM Avenger, the Barbara II. The radioman-gunner was John L. Delaney, a
regular member of Bush's crew.

What happened in the skies of Chichi Jima that day is a matter of lively
controversy. Bush has presented several differing versions of his own
story. In his campaign autobiography published in 1987 Bush gives the
following account:

"The flak was the heaviest I'd ever flown into. The Japanese were ready and
waiting: their anti-aircraft guns were set up to nail us as we pushed into
our dives. By the time VT-51 was ready to go in, the sky was thick with
angry black clouds of exploding anti-aircraft fire.

"Don Melvin led the way, scoring hits on a radio tower. I followed, going
into a thirty-five degree dive, an angle of attack that sounds shallow but
in an Avenger felt as if you were headed straight down. The target map was
strapped to my knee, and as I started into my dive, I'd already spotted the
target area. Coming in, I was aware of black splotches of gunfire all
around.

"Suddenly there was a jolt, as if a massive fist had crunched into the
belly of the plane. Smoke poured into the cockpit, and I could see flames
rippling across the crease of the wing, edging towards the fuel tanks. I
stayed with the dive, homed in on the target, unloaded our four 500-pound
bombs, and pulled away, heading for the sea. Once over water, I leveled off
and told Delaney and White to bail out, turning the plane to starboard to
take the slipstream off the door near Delaney's station.

"Up to that point, except for the sting of dense smoke blurring my vision,
I was in fair shape. But when I went to make my jump, trouble came in
pairs." / Note #2

In this account, there is no more mention of White and Delaney until Bush
hit the water and began looking around for them. Bush says that it was only
after having been rescued by the "USS Finnback," a submarine, that he
"learned that neither Jack Delaney nor Ted White had survived. One went
down with the plane; the other was seen jumping, but his parachute failed
to open." The Hyams account of 1991 was written after an August 1988
interview with Chester Mierzejewski, another member of Bush's squadron, had
raised important questions about the haste with which Bush bailed out,
rather than attempting a water landing. Mierzejewski's account, which is
summarized below, contradicted Bush's own version of these events, and
hinted that Bush might have abandoned his two crew members to a horrible
and needless death. The Hyams account, which is partly intended to refute
Mierzejewski, develops as follows:

"... Bush was piloting the third plane over the target, with Moore flying
on his wing. He nosed over into a thirty-degree glide, heading straight for
the radio tower. Determined to finally destroy the tower, he used no
evasive tactics and held the plane directly on target. His vision ahead was
occasionally cancelled by bursts of black smoke from the Japanese
antiaircraft guns. The plane was descending through thickening clouds of
flak pierced by the flaming arc of tracers.

"There was a sudden flash of light followed by an explosion. 'The plane was
lifted forward, and we were enveloped in flames,' Bush recalls. 'I saw the
flames running along the wings where the fuel tanks were and where the
wings fold. I thought, This is really bad! It's hard to remember the
details, but I looked at the instruments and couldn't see them for the
smoke.'

"Don Melvin, circling above the action while waiting for his pilots to drop
their bombs and get out, thought the Japanese shell had hit an oil line on
Bush's Avenger. 'You could have seen that smoke for a hundred miles.'|"

Perhaps so, but it is difficult to understand why the smoke from Bush's
plane was so distinctly visible in such a smoke-filled environment. Hyams
goes on to describe Bush's completion of his bombing run. His account
continues:

"By then the wings were covered in flames and smoke, and the engine was
blazing. He considered making a water landing but realized it would not be
possible. Bailing out was absolutely the last choice, but he had no other
option. He got on the radio and notified squadron leader Melvin of his
decision. Melvin radioed back, 'Received your message. Got you in sight.
Will follow.'

"[...] Milt Moore, flying directly behind Bush, saw the Avenger going down
smoking. 'I pulled up to him; then he lost power and I went sailing by
him.'

"As soon as he was back over water, Bush shouted on the intercom for White
and Delaney to 'hit the silk!' [...] Dick Gorman, Moore's radioman-gunner,
remembers hearing someone on the intercom shout, 'Hit the silk!' and asking
Moore, 'Is that you, Red?'

"|'No,' Moore replied. 'It's Bush, he's hit!'

"Other squadron members heard Bush repeating the command to bail out, over
and over, on the radio.

"There was no response from either of Bush's crewmen and no way he could
see them; a shield of armor plate between him and Lt. White blocked his
view behind. He was certain that White and Delaney had bailed out the
moment they got the order." / Note #3

Hyams quotes a later entry by Melvin in the squadron log as to the fate of
Bush's two crewmen: "At a point approximately nine miles bearing 045'T
(degrees) from Minami Jima, Bush and one other person were seen to bail out
from about 3,000 feet. Bush's chute opened and he landed safely in the
water, inflated his raft, and paddled farther away from Chichi Jima. The
chute of th e other person who bailed out did not open. Bush has not yet
been returned to the squadron ... so this information is incomplete. While
Lt. junior grade White and J.L. Delaney are reported missing in action, it
is believed that both were killed as a result of the above described
action." / Note #4

But it is interesting to note that this report, contrary to usual standard
Navy practice, has no date. This should alert us to that tampering with
public records, such as Bush's filings at the Securities and Exchange
Commission during the 1960s, which appears to be a specialty of the Brown
Brothers Harriman/Skull and Bones network.

For comparison, let us now cite the cursory account of this same incident
provided by Bush's authorized biographer in the candidate's 1980
presidential campaign biography:

"On a run toward the island, Bush's plane was struck by Japanese
antiaircraft shells. One of his two crewmen was killed instantly and the
aircraft was set on fire. Bush was able to score hits on the enemy
installations with a couple of five-hundred pound bombs before he wriggled
out of the smoking cockpit and floated towards the water. The other crewman
also bailed out but died almost immediately thereafter because, as the
fighter pilot behind Bush's plane was later to report, his parachute failed
to open properly. Bush's own parachute became momentarily fouled on the
tail of the plane after he hit the water." / Note #5

King's account is interesting for its omission of any mention of Bush's
injury in bailing out, a gashed forehead he got when he struck the tail
assembly of the plane. This had to have occurred long before Bush had hit
the water, so this account is garbled indeed.

Let us also cite parts of the account provided by Fitzhugh Green in his
1989 authorized biography. Green has Bush making his attack "at a 60-degree
angle." "For his two crew members," notes Green, "life was about to end."
His version goes on:

"Halfway through Bush's dive, the enemy found his range with one or more
shells. Smoke filled his cabin; his plane controls weakened; the engine
began coughing, and still he wasn't close enough to the target. He presumed
the TBM to be terminally damaged. Fighting to stay on course, eyes
smarting, Bush managed to launch his bombs at the last possible moment. He
couldn't discern the result through black fumes. But a companion pilot
affirmed later that the installation blew up, along with two other
buildings. The Navy would decorate Bush for literally sticking to his guns
until he completed his mission under ferocious enemy fire.

"Good! Now the trick was to keep the plane aloft long enough to accomplish
two objectives: first, get far enough away from the island to allow rescue
from the sea before capture or killing by the enemy; second, give his plane
mates time to parachute out of the burning aircraft.

"The TBM sputtered on its last few hundred yards. Unbeknownst to Bush, one
man freed himself. Neither fellow squadron pilots nor Bush ever were sure
which crew member this was. As he jumped, however, his parachute snarled
and failed to open." / Note #6

Green writes that when Bush was swimming in the water, he realized that
"his crew had disappeared" and that "the loss of the two men numbed Bush."


Still Another Story

For the 1992 presidential campaign, the Bushmen have readied yet another
rehash of the adulatory "red Studebaker" printout in the form of a new
biography by Richard Ben Cramer. This is distinguished as a literary effort
above all by the artificial verbal pyrotechnics with which the author
attempts to breathe new life into the dog-eared Bush canonical printout.
For these, Cramer relies on a hyperkinetic style with non-verbal syntax,
which to some degree echoes Bush's own disjointed manner of speaking. The
resulting text may have found favor with Bush when he was gripped by his
hyperthyroid rages during the buildup for the Gulf war. A part of this text
has appeared in "Esquire" magazine. / Note #7 Here is Cramer's description
of the critical phase of the incident:

"He felt a jarring lurch, a crunch, and his plane leaped forward, like a
giant had struck it from below with a fist. Smoke started to fill the
cockpit. He saw a tongue of flame streaming down the right wing toward the
crease. Christ! The fuel tanks!

"He called to Delaney and White -- We've been hit! He was diving. Melvin
hit the tower dead-on -- four five hundred pounders. West was on the same
beam. Bush could have pulled out. Have to get rid of these bombs. Keep the
dive.... A few seconds....

"He dropped on the target and let 'em fly. The bombs spun down, the plane
shrugged with release, and Bush banked away hard to the east. No way he'd
get to the rendezvous point with Melvin. The smoke was so bad he couldn't
see the gauges. Was he climbing? Have to get to the water. They were dead
if they bailed out over land. The Japs killed pilots. Gonna have to bail
out. Bush radioed the skipper, called his crew. No answer. Does White know
how to get to his chute? Bush looked back for an instant. God, was White
hit? He was yelling the order to bail out, turning right rudder to take the
slipstream off their hatch ... had to get himself out. He leveled off over
water, only a few miles from the island ... more, ought to get out farther
... that's it, got to be now.... He flicked the red toggle switch on the
dash -- the IFF, Identification Friend or Foe -- supposed to alert any U.S.
ship, send a special frequency back to his own carrier ... no other way to
communicate, had to get out now, had to be ... NOW."

It will be seen that these versions contain numerous internal
contradictions, but that the hallmark of "red Studebaker" orthodoxy,
especially after the appearance of the Mierzejewsky account, is that Bush's
plane was on fire, with visible smoke and flames. The Bush propaganda
machine needs the fire on board the Avenger in order to justify Bush's
precipitous decision to bail out, leaving his two crew members to their
fate, rather than attempting the water landing which might have saved them.

The only person who has ever claimed to have seen Bush's plane get hit, and
to have seen it hit the water, is Chester Mierzejewski, who was the rear
turret gunner in the aircraft flown by Squadron Commander Douglas Melvin.
During 1987-88, Mierzejewski became increasingly indignant as he watched
Bush repeat his canonical account of how he was shot down. Shortly before
the Republican National Convention in 1988, Mierzejewski, by then a
68-year-old retired aircraft foreman living in Cheshire, Connecticut,
decided to tell his story to Allan Wolper and Al Ellenberg of the "New York
Post," which printed it as a copyrighted article. / Note #8

"That guy is not telling the truth," Mierzejewski said of Bush.

As the rear-looking turret gunner on Commander Melvin's plane, Mierzejewski
had the most advantageous position for observing the events in question
here. Since Melvin's plane flew directly ahead of Bush's, he had a direct
and unobstructed view of what was happening aft of his own plane. When the
"New York Post" reporters asked former Lt. Legare Hole, the executive
officer of Bush's squadron, about who might have best observed the last
minutes of the Barbara II, Hole replied: "The turret gunner in Melvin's
plane would have had a good view. If the plane was on fire, there is a very
good chance he would be able to see that. The pilot can't see everything
that the gunner can, and he'd miss an awful lot," Hole told the "New York
Post."

Gunner Lawrence Mueller of Milwaukee, another former member of Bush's
squadron who flew on the Chichi Jima mission, when asked who would have had
the best view, replied: "The turret gunner of Melvin's plane." Mierzejewski
for his part said that his plane was flying about 100 feet ahead of Bush's
plane during the incident -- so close that he could see into Bush's
cockpit.

Mierzejewski, who is also a recipient of the Distinguished Flying Cross,
told the "New York Post" that he saw "a puff of smoke" come out of Bush's
plane and quickly dissipate. He asserted that after that there was no more
smoke visible, that Bush's "plane was never on fire" and that "no smoke
came out of his cockpit when he opened his canopy to bail out."
Mierzejewski stated that only one man ever got out of the Barbara II, and
that was Bush himself. "I was hoping I would see some other parachutes. I
never did. I saw the plane go down. I knew the guys were still in it. It
was a helpless feeling."

Mierzejewski has long been troubled by the notion that Bush's decision to
parachute from his damaged aircraft might have cost the lives of Radioman
second class John Delaney, a close  friend of Mierzejewski, as well as
gunner Lt. junior grade William White. 'I think [Bush] could have saved
those lives, if they were alive. I don't know that they were, but at least
they had a chance if he had attempted a water landing," Mierzejewski told
the "New York Post."

Former executive officer Legare Hole summed up the question for the "New
York Post" reporters as follows: "If the plane is on fire, it hastens your
decision to bail out. If it is not on fire, you make a water landing." The
point is that a water landing held out more hope for all members of the
crew. The Avenger had been designed to float for approximately two minutes,
giving the tailgunner enough time to inflate a raft and giving everyone an
extra margin of time to get free of the plane before it sank. Bush had
carried out a water landing back in June when his plane had lost oil
pressure.

The official -- but undated -- report on the incident among the squadron
records was signed by Commander Melvin and an intelligence officer named
Lt. Martin E. Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick is deceased, and Melvin in 1988 was
hospitalized with Parkinson's disease and could not be interviewed.
Mierzejewski in early August 1988 had never seen the undated intelligence
report in question. "Kilpatrick was the first person I spoke to when we got
back to the ship," he said. "I told him what I saw. I don't understand why
it's not in the report."

Gunner Lawrence Mueller tended to corroborate Mierzejewski's account.
Mueller had kept a log book of his own in which he made notations as the
squadron was debriefed in the ready room after each mission. For September
2, 1944, Mueller's personal log had the following entry: "White and Delaney
presumed to have gone down with plane." Mueller told the "New York Post"
that "no parachute was sighted except Bush's when the plane went down." The
"New York Post" reporters were specific that, according to Mueller, no one
in the "San Jacinto" ready room during the debriefing had said anything
about a fire on board Bush's plane. Mueller said: "I would have put it in
my logbook if I had heard it."

According to this "New York Post" article, the report of Bush's debriefing
aboard the submarine "Finnback" after his rescue makes no mention of any
fire aboard the plane. When the "New York Post" reporters interviewed
Thomas R. Keene, an airman from another carrier, who had been picked up by
the "Finnback" a few days after Bush, they referred to the alleged fire on
board Bush's plane and "Keene was surprised to hear" it. "|'Did he say
that?,'|" Keene asked.

Leo Nadeau, Bush's usual rear turret gunner, who had been in contact with
Bush during the 1980s, attempted to undercut Mierzejewski's credibility by
stating that "Ski," as Mierzejewski was called, would have been "too busy
shooting" to have been able to focus on the events involving Bush's plane.
But even the pro-Bush accounts agree that the reason that White had been
allowed to come aloft in the first place was the expectation that there
would be no Japanese aircraft over the target, making a thoroughly trained
and experienced gunner superfluous. Indeed, no account alleges that any
Japanese aircraft appeared over Chichi Jima.

Bush and Mierzejewski met again on board the "San Jacinto" after the downed
pilot was returned from the "Finnback" about a month after the loss of the
Barbara II. According to the "New York Post" account, about a month after
all these events Bush, clad in Red Cross pajamas, returned to the "San
Jacinto." "He came into the ready room and sat down next to me,"
Mierzejewski recounted. "He [Bush] knew I saw the whole thing. He said,
'Ski, I'm sure those two men were dead. I called them on the radio three
times. They were dead.' When he told me they were dead, I couldn't prove
they weren't. He seemed distraught. He was trying to assure me he did the
best he could. I'm thinking what am I going to say to him," Mierzejewski
commented in 1988.

Mierzejewski began to become concerned about Bush's presentation of his war
record while watching Bush's December 1987 interview with David Frost,
which was one of the candidate's most sanctimonious performances. In March
1988, Mierzejewski wrote to Bush and told him that his recollections were
very different from the Vice President's story. Mierzejewski's letter was
not hostile in tone, but voiced concern that political opponents might come
forward to dispute Bush. There was no reply to this letter, and Chester
Mierzejewski ultimately elected to tell his own unique eye-witness version
of the facts to the "New York Post." Certainly his authoritative,
first-hand account places a large question mark over the events of
September 2, 1944, which Bush has so often sought to exploit for political
gain.

Several days after Mierzejewski's interview was published, Bush's office
obtained and released to the press a copy of the (undated) squadron log
report. One Donald Rhodes of Bush's office called Mierzejewski to offer him
a copy of the report.

It is typical of Joe Hyams's hack work for Bush in "The Flight of the
Avenger" that he never mentions Mierzejewski's critical account, although
he is obviously acutely aware of the objections raised by Mierzejewski and
wants very much to discredit those objections. Indeed, Hyams totally
ignores Mierzejewski as a source, and also studiously ignores the other
witness who would have supported Mierzejewski, that is to say Mueller.
Hyams had the support of Bush's White House staff in arranging interviews
for his book, but somehow he never got around to talking to Mierzejewski
and Mueller. This must increase our suspicion that Bush has some damning
cicrumstance he wishes to hide.

Bush himself admits that he was in a big hurry to get out of his cockpit:
"The wind was playing tricks, or more likely, I pulled the rip cord too
soon." / Note #9 This caused his gashed forehead and damaged his parachute.

Concerning the ability of Brown Brothers Harriman to fix a combat report in
naval aviation, it is clear that this could be accomplished as easily as
fixing a parking ticket. Artemus Gates is someone who could have helped
out. Other Brown Brothers Harriman assets in powerful posts included
Secretary of War Stimson, Secretary of War for Air Robert Lovett, Special
Envoy W. Averell Harriman, and even President Roosevelt's confidant and
virtual alter ego, Harry Hopkins, an asset of the Harriman family.

Bush was very upset about what had happened to his two crewmen. Later,
during one of his Skull and Bones "Life History" self-exposures, Bush
referred to Lt. White, the Skull and Bones member who had gone to his death
with the Barbara II: "I wish I hadn't let him go," said Bush, according to
former Congressman Thomas W. L. (Lud) Ashley, a fellow Skull and Bones
member and during 1991 one of the administrators of the Neil Bush legal
defense fund. According to Ashley, "Bush was heartbroken. He had gone over
it in his mind 100,000 times and concluded he couldn't have done
anything.... He didn't feel guilty about anything that happened.... But the
incident was a source of real grief to him. It tore him up, real anguish.
It was so fresh in his mind. He had a real friendship with this man," said
Ashley. / Note #1 / Note #0

Bush later wrote letters to the families of the men who had died on his
plane. He received a reply from Delaney's sister, Mary Jane Delaney. The
letter read in part:

"You mention in your letter that you would like to help me in some way.
There is a way, and that is to stop thinking you are in any way responsible
for your plane accident and what has happened to your men. I might have
thought you were if my br other Jack had not always spoken of you as the
best pilot in the squadron." / Note #1 / Note #1

Bush also wrote a letter to his parents in which he talked about White and
Delaney: "I try to think about it as little as possible, yet I cannot get
the thought of those two out of my mind. Oh, I'm OK -- I want to fly again
and I won't be scared of it, but I know I won't be able to shake the memory
of this incident and I don't believe I want to completely." / Note #1 /
Note #2

As Bush himself looked back on all these events from the threshold of his
genocidal assault on Iraq, he complacently concluded that the pagan fates
had preserved his life for some future purpose. He told Hyams:

"There wasn't a sudden revelation of what I wanted to do with the rest of
my life, but there was an awakening. There's no question that underlying
all that were my own religious beliefs. In my own view there's got to be
some kind of destiny and I was being spared for something on earth." / Note
#1 / Note #3

After having deliberately ignored the relevant dissenting views about the
heroism of his patron, Hyams chooses to conclude his book on the following
disturbing note:

"When flying his Avenger off the deck of the San Jac, Bush was responsible
for his own fate as well as his crewmen's. As President he is responsible
for the fate of all Americans as well as that of much of the world."

And that is precisely the problem.


Notes - Chapter 6

* Would to the gods that this be the last of his crimes!

1. For details of Bush's Navy career, see Joe Hyams, "Flight of the
Avenger: George Bush at War" (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovitch,
1991), "passim."

2. George Bush and Victor Gold, "Looking Forward," (New York: Doubleday,
1987), p. 36.

3. Hyams, "op. cit.," pp. 106-7.

4. "Ibid.," p. 111.

5. Nicholas King, "George Bush: A Biography" (New York: Dodd, Mead &
Company, 1980), pp. 30-31.

6. Fitzhugh Green, "George Bush: An Intimate Portrait" (New York:
Hippocrene Books, 1989), pp. 36-37.

7. Richard Ben Cramer, "George Bush: How He Got Here," "Esquire," June 1991.

8. Allan Wolper and Al Ellenberg, "The Day Bush Bailed Out," "New York
Post," August 12, 1988, p. 1 "ff."

9. Bush and Gold, "op. cit.," p. 36.

10. "Washington Post," August 7, 1988. For the Skull and Bones Society and
its "life history" self-exposure, see Chapter 7.

11. Hyams, "op. cit.," p. 143.

12. Bush and Gold, "op. cit.," pp. 40-41.

13. Hyams, "op. cit.," p. 134.


Corrections:

Corrections to Errors in Chapter 3, in volume 6, No. 1, Jan. 6, 1992:

There was an extraneous footnote ("1") following the first paragraph, which
might have made that quote appear to be from George Bush, rather than
Hitler. Bush's (similar) quote in fact follows that one.

"After his 1948 graduation ... George Bush flew down to Texas on a
corporate jet" should have read "on a corporate aircraft."

The U.S. Navy delivered George Bush back home for good on Christmas Eve
1944; the war in the Pacific raged on over the next half year, with Allied
forces taking Southeast Asia, the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia), and
islands such as Iwo Jima and Okinawa.

Barbara Pierce quit Smith College in her sophomore year to marry George.
Prescott and Mother Bush gave a splendid prenuptial dinner at the Greenwich
Field Club. The wedding took place January 6, 1945, in the Rye, New York
Presbyterian Church, as the U.S. Third Fleet bombarded the main Philippine
island of Luzon in preparation for invasion. Afterwards there was a
glamorous reception for 300 at Appawamis Country Club. The newlyweds
honeymooned at The Cloisters, a five-star hotel on Sea Island, Georgia,
with swimming, tennis, and golf....

Japan surrendered in August. That fall, George and Barbara Bush moved to
New Haven where Bush entered Yale University. He and Barbara moved into an
apartment at 37 Hillhouse Avenue, across the street from Yale President
Charles Seymour.

College life was good to George, what he saw of it. A college career
usually occupies four years. But we know that George Bush is a rapidly
moving man. Thus he was pleased with the special arrangement made for
veterans, by which Yale allowed him to get his degree after attending
classes for only two and a half years....

In 1947, Barbara gave birth to George W. Bush, Jr.

By the time of his 1948 graduation, he had been elected to Phi Beta Kappa,
an honor traditionally associated with academic achievement. Not a great
deal is known about George Bush's career at Yale, especially the part about
books and studies. Unfortunately for those who would wish to consider his
intellectual accomplishment, everything about "that" has been sealed shut
and is top secret. The Yale administration says they have turned over to
the FBI custody of all of Bush's academic records, allegedly because the
FBI needs such access to check the resumes of important office holders.

From all available testimony, his mental life before college was anything
but outstanding. His campaign literature claims that, as a veteran, Bush
was "serious" at Yale. But we cannot check exactly how he achieved election
to Phi Beta Kappa, in his abbreviated college experience. Without top
secret clearance, we cannot consult his test results, read his essays, or
learn much about his performance in class. We know that his father was a
trustee of the university, in charge of "developmental" fundraising. And
his family friends were in control of the U.S. secret services.

A great deal is known, however, about George Bush's "status" at Yale.

His fellow student John H. Chafee, later a U.S. senator from Rhode Island
and secretary of the navy, declared: "We didn't see much of him because he
was married, but I guess my first impression was that he was -- and I don't
mean this in a derogatory fashion -- in the inner set, the movers and
shakers, the establishment. I don't mean he put on airs or anything, but ..
just everybody knew him."

Chafee, like Bush and Dan Quayle, was in the important national fraternity,
Delta Kappa Epsilon (DKE or the "Dekes"). But Chafee says, "I never
remember seeing him there. He wasn't one to hang around with the fellows."
/ Note #5


CHAPTER 7:

(untitled)


The Tomb

George Bush, in fact, passed his most important days and nights at Yale in
the strange companionship of the senior-year Skull and Bones Society. /
Note #6

Out of those few who were chosen for Bones membership, George was the last
one to be notified of his selection -- this honor is traditionally reserved
for the highest of the high and mighty.

His father, Prescott Bush, several other relatives and partners, and Roland
and Averell Harriman, who sponsored the Bush family, were also members of
this secret society....

The order was incorporated in 1856 under the name "Russell Trust
Association." By special act of the state legislature in 1943, its trustees
are exempted from the normal requirement of filing corporate reports with
the Connecticut secretary of state.

As of 1978, all business of the Russell Trust [which founded Skull and
Bones] was handled by its lone trustee, Brown Brothers Harriman partner
John B. Madden, Jr. Madden started with Brown Brothers Harriman in 1946,
under senior partner Prescott Bush, George Bush's father.

Each year, Skull and Bones members select ("tap") 15 third-year Yale
students to replace them in the senior group the following year. Graduating
members are given a sizeable cash bonus to help them get started in life.
Older graduate members, the so-called "Patriarchs," give special backing in
business, politics, espionage and legal careers to graduate Bonesmen who
exhibit talent or usefulness.

The home of Skull and Bones on the Yale campus is a stone building
resembling a mausoleum, and known as "the Tomb." Initiations take place on
Deer Island in the St. Lawrence River (an island owned by the Russell Trust
Association), with regular reunions on Deer Island and at Yale. Initiation
rites reportedly include strenuous and traumatic activities of the new
member, while immersed naked in mud, and in a coffin. More important is the
"sexual autobiography": The initiate tells the order all the sex secrets of
his young life. Weakened mental defenses against manipulation, and the
blackmail potential of such information, have obvious permanent uses in
enforcing loyalty among members.

The loyalty is intense. One of Bush's former teachers, whose own father was
a Skull and Bones member, told our interviewer that his father used to stab
his little Skull and Bones pin into his skin to keep it in place when he
took a bath.

Members continue throughout their lives to unburden themselves on their
psycho-sexual thoughts to their Bones Brothers, even if they are no longer
sitting in a coffin. This has been the case with President George Bush, for
whom these ties are reported to have a deep personal meaning. Beyond the
psychological manipulation associated with freemasonic mummery, there are
very solid political reasons for Bush's strong identification with this
cult....

Skull and Bones -- the Russell Trust Association -- was first established
among the class graduating from Yale in 1833. Its founder was William
Huntington Russell of Middletown, Connecticut. The Russell family was the
master of incalculable wealth derived from the largest U.S. criminal
organization of the nineteenth century: Russell and Company, the great
opium syndicate.

There was at that time a deep suspicion of, and national revulsion against,
freemasonry and secret organizations in the United States, fostered in
particular by the anti-masonic writings of former U.S. President John
Quincy Adams. Adams stressed that those who take oaths to politically
powerful international secret societies cannot be depended on for loyalty
to a democratic republic.

But the Russells were protected as part of the multiply intermarried
grouping of families then ruling Connecticut. The blood-proud members of
the Russell, Pierpont, Edwards, Burr, Griswold, Day, Alsop, and Hubbard
families were prominent in the pro-British party within the state. Many of
their sons would be among the members chosen for the Skull and Bones
Society over the years.


Opium and Empire

The background to Skull and Bones is a story of Opium and Empire, and a
bitter struggle for political control over the new U.S. republic.

Samuel Russell, second cousin to Bones founder William H., established
Russell and Company in 1823. Its business was to acquire opium from Turkey
and smuggle it into China, where it was strictly prohibited, under the
armed protection of the British Empire.

The prior, predominant American gang in this field had been the syndicate
created by Thomas Handasyd Perkins of Newburyport, Massachusetts, an
aggregation of the self-styled "bluebloods" or Brahmins of Boston's north
shore. Forced out of the lucrative African slave trade by U.S. law and
Caribbean slave revolts, leaders of the Cabot, Lowell, Higginson, Forbes,
Cushing, and Sturgis families had married Perkins siblings and children.
The Perkins opium syndicate made the fortune and established the power of
these families, under the direct protection of the British navy and British
imperial finance. By the 1830s, the Russells had bought out the Perkins
syndicate and made Connecticut the primary center of the U.S. opium racket.
Massachusetts families (Coolidge, Sturgis, Forbes, and Delano) joined
Connecticut (Alsop) and New York (Low) smuggler-millionaires under the
Russell (and British) auspices....

Samuel and William Huntington Russell were quiet, wary builders of their
faction's power. An intimate colleague of opium gangster Samuel Russell
wrote this about him:

"While he lived no friend of his would venture to mention his name in
print. While in China, he lived for about twenty-five years almost as a
hermit, hardly known outside of his factory [the Canton warehouse compound]
except by the chosen few who enjoyed his intimacy, and by his good friend,
Hoqua [Chinese security director for the East India Company], but studying
commerce in its broadest sense, as well as its minutest details. Returning
home with well-earned wealth he lived hospitably in the midst of his
family, and a small circle of intimates. Scorning words and pretensions
from the bottom of his heart, he was the truest and staunchest of friends;
hating notoriety, he could always be absolutely counted on for every good
work which did not involve publicity."

The Russells' Skull and Bones Society was the most important of their
domestic projects "which did not involve publicity."

... Yale was the northern college favored by southern slaveowning would-be
aristocrats. Among Yale's southern students were John C. Calhoun, later the
famous South Carolina defender of slavery against nationalism, and Judah P.
Benjamin, later secretary of state for the slaveowners' Confederacy....

In 1832-33, Skull and Bones was launched under the Russell pirate flag.

Among the early initiates of the order were Henry Rootes Jackson (S&B
1839), a leader of the 1861 "Georgia" Secession Convention and post-Civil
War president of the Georgia Historical Society; ... John Perkins, Jr. (S&B
1840), chairman of the 1861 "Louisiana" Secession Convention;... and
William Taylor Sullivan Barry (S&B 1841), a national leader of the
secessionist wing of the Democratic Party during the 1850s, and chairman of
the 1861 "Mississippi" Secession Convention.

Alphonso Taft was a Bonesman alongside William H. Russell in the Class of
1833. As U.S. attorney general in 1876-77, Alphonso Taft helped organize
the backroom settlement of the deadlocked 1876 presidential election. The
bargain gave Rutherford B. Hayes the presidency (1877-81) and withdrew the
U.S. troops from the South, where they had been enforcing blacks' rights.

Alphonso's son, William Howard Taft (S&B 1878), was U.S. President from
1909 to 1913. President Taft's son, Robert Alphonso Taft (S&B 1910), was a
leading U.S. senator after World War II; his family's Anglo-Saxon
racial/ancestral preoccupation was the disease which crippled Robert Taft's
leadership of American nationalist "conservatives."


Leading Bonesmen

Other pre-Civil War Bonesmen were:

/ Note #b|""William M. Evarts "(S&B 1837), Wall Street attorney for
British and southern slaveowner projects, collaborator of Taft in the 1876
bargain, U.S. secretary of state 1877-81;

/ Note #b|"Morris R. Waite "(S&B 1837), chief justice of the U.S. Supreme
Court 1874-88, whose rulings destroyed many rights of African-Americans
gained in the Civil War; he helped his cohorts Taft and Evarts arrange the
1876 presidential settlement scheme to pull the rights-enforcing U.S.
troops out of the South;

/ Note #b|"Daniel Coit Gilman "(S&B 1852), co-incorporator of the Russell
Trust; founding president of Johns Hopkins University as a great center for
the racialist eugenics movement;

/ Note #b|"Andrew D. White "(S&B 1853), founding president of Cornell
University; psychic researcher; and diplomatic cohort of the Venetian,
Russian and British oligarchies;

/ Note #b|"Chauncey M. Depew "(S&B 1856), general counsel for the
Vanderbilt railroads, he helped the Harriman family to enter into high
society....

/ Note #b|"Irving Fisher "(S&B 1888) became the racialist high priest of
the economics faculty (Yale professor 1896-1946), and a famous merchant of
British Empire propaganda for free trade and reduction of the non-white
population. Fisher was founding president of the American Eugenics Society
under the financial largesse of Averell Harriman's mother.

/ Note #b|"Gifford Pinchot "(S&B 1889) invented the aristocrats'
"conservation" movement. He was President Theodore Roosevelt's chief
forester, substituting federal land-control in place of Abraham Lincoln's
free-land-to-families farm creation program. Pinchot's British Empire
activism included the Psychical Research Society and his vice presidency of
the first International Eugenics Congress in 1912....

/ Note #b|"Frederick E. Weyerhaeuser "(S&B 1896), owner of vast tracts of
American forest, was a follower of Pinchot's movement, while the
Weyerhaeusers were active collaborators of British-South African
super-racist Cecil Rhodes. This family's friendship with President George
Bush is a factor in the present environmentalist movement.

"Henry L. Stimson" (S&B 1888) was President Taft's secretar y of war
(1911-13), and President Herbert Hoover's secretary of state (1929-33). As
secretary of war (1940-45), Stimson pressed President Truman to drop the
atomic bomb on the Japanese. This decision involved much more than merely
"pragmatic" military considerations. These Anglophiles, up through George
Bush, have opposed the American republic's tradition of alliance with
national aspirations in Asia. And they worried that the invention of
nuclear energy would too powerfully unsettle the world's toleration for
poverty and misery. Both the United States and the atom had better be
dreaded, they thought.

The present century owes much of its record of horrors to certain
Anglophile American families which have employed Skull and Bones as a
political recruiting agency, particularly the Harrimans, Whitneys,
Vanderbilts, Rockefellers and their lawyers, the Lords and Tafts and
Bundys.

The politically aggressive Guaranty Trust Company, run almost entirely by
Skull and Bones initiates, was a financial vehicle of these families in the
early 1900s. Guaranty Trust's support for the Bolshevik and Nazi
revolutions overlapped the more intense endeavors in these fields by the
Harrimans, George Walker, and Prescott Bush a few blocks away, and in
Berlin.

Skull and Bones was dominated from 1913 onward by the circles of Averell
Harriman. They displaced remaining traditionalists such as Douglas
MacArthur from power in the United States.

For George Bush, the Skull and Bones Society is more than simply the
British, as opposed to the American, strategic tradition. It is merged in
the family and personal network within which his whole life has been, in a
sense, handed to him prepackaged.


Britain's Yale Flying Unit

During Prescott Bush's student days, the Harriman set at Yale decided that
World War I was sufficiently amusing that they ought to get into it as
recreation. They formed a special Yale Unit of the Naval Reserve Flying
Corps, at the instigation of "F. Trubee Davison". Since the United States
was not at war, and the Yale students were going to serve Britain, the Yale
Unit was privately and lavishly financed by F. Trubee's father, Henry
Davison, the senior managing partner at J.P. Morgan and Co. (the official
financial agency for the British government in the United States). The Yale
Unit's leader was amateur pilot Robert A. Lovett. They were based first on
Long Island, New York, then in Palm Beach, Florida.

The Yale Unit has been described by Lovett's family and friends in a
collective biography of the Harriman set:

"Training for the Yale Flying Unit was not exactly boot camp. Davison's
father ... helped finance them royally, and newspapers of the day dubbed
them "the millionaires' unit." They cut rakish figures, and knew it; though
some dismissed them as diletantes, the hearts of young Long Island belles
fluttered at the sight....

"[In] Palm Beach ... they ostentatiously pursued a relaxed style. 'They
were rolled about in wheel chairs by African slaves amid tropical gardens
and coconut palms,' wrote the unit's historian.... 'For light exercise,
they learned to glance at their new wristwatches with an air of easy
nonchalance'.... [Lovett] was made chief of the unit's private club, the
Wags, whose members started their sentences, 'Being a Wag and therefore a
superman'....

"Despite the snide comments of those who dismissed them as frivolous rich
boys, Lovett's unit proved to be daring and imaginative warriors when they
were dispatched for active duty in 1917 with Britain's Royal Naval Air
Service." / Note #7

Lovett was transferred to the U.S. Navy after the United States joined
Britain in World War I.

The Yale Flying Unit was the glory of Skull and Bones. Roland Harriman,
Prescott Bush, and their 1917 Bonesmates selected for 1918 membership in
the secret order these Yale Flying Unit leaders: "Robert Lovett, F. Trubee
Davison, Artemus Lamb Gates," and "John Martin Vorys." Unit flyers "David
Sinton Ingalls" and F. Trubee's brother, "Harry P. Davison" (who became
Morgan vice chairman), were tapped for the 1920 Skull and Bones.

Lovett did not actually have a senior year at Yale: "He was tapped for
Skull and Bones not on the Old Campus but at a naval station in West Palm
Beach; his initiation, instead of being conducted in the 'tomb' on High
Street, occurred at the headquarters of the Navy's Northern Bombing Group
between Dunkirk and Calais." / Note #8

Some years later, Averell Harriman gathered Lovett, Prescott Bush, and
other pets into the utopian oligarchs' community a few miles to the north
of Palm Beach, called Jupiter Island.

British Empire loyalists flew right from the Yale Unit into U.S. strategy-making positions:

/ Note #b|"F. Trubee Davison was assistant U.S. secretary of war for air
from 1926 to 1933. David S. Ingalls (on the board of Jupiter Island's Pan
American Airways) was meanwhile assistant secretary of the navy for
aviation (1929-32). Following the American Museum of Natural History's
Hitlerite 1932 eugenics congress, Davison resigned his government Air post
to become the museum's president. Then, under the Harriman-Lovett national
security regime of the early 1950s, F. Trubee Davison became director of
personnel for the new Central Intelligence Agency.

/ Note #b|"Robert Lovett was assistant secretary of war for Air from 1941-45.

/ Note #b|"Lovett's 1918 Bonesmate, Artemus Gates (chosen by Prescott and
his fellows), became assistant navy secretary for air in 1941. Gates
retained this post throughout the war until 1945. Having a man like Gates
up there, who owed his position to Averell, Bob, Prescott, and their set,
was quite reassuring to young naval aviator George Bush; especially so,
when Bush would have to worry about the record being correct concerning his
controversial fatal crash.


Other Important Bonesmen

/ Note #b|""Richard M. Bissell, Jr." was a very important man to the
denizens of Jupiter Island.

He graduated from Yale in 1932, the year after the Harrimanites bought the
island. Though not in Skull and Bones, Bissell was the younger brother of
William Truesdale Bissell, a Bonesman from the class of 1925. Their father,
Connecticut insurance executive Richard M. Bissell, Sr., was a powerful
Yale alumnus, and the director of the Neuro-Psychiatric Institute of the
Hartford Retreat for the Insane. There, in 1904, Yale graduate Clifford
Beers underwent mind-destroying treatment which led this mental patient to
found the Mental Hygiene Society, a Yale-based Skull and Bones project.
This would evolve into the CIA's cultural engineering effort of the 1950s,
the drugs and brainwashing adventure known as "MK-Ultra."

Richard M. Bissell, Jr. studied at the London School of Economics in 1932
and 1933, and taught at Yale from 1935 to 1941. He worked as an assistant
or adviser to Averell Harriman in various government posts between 1942 and
1952, participating in the Harriman clique's takeover of the Truman
administration.

Bissell then joined F. Trubee Davison at the Central Intelligence Agency.
When Allen Dulles became CIA director in 1953, Bissell was one of his three
aides. The great anti-Castro covert initiative of 1959-61 was supervised by
an awesome array of Harriman agents -- and the detailed management of the
invasion of Cuba, and of the assassination planning, and the training of
the squads for these jobs, was given into the hands of Richard M. Bissell,
Jr.

This 1961 invasion failed. President Kennedy refused to give air cover at
the Bay of Pigs. Fidel Castro survived the widely discussed assassination
plots against him. But the initiative succeeded in what was probably its
core purpose: to organize a force of multi-use professional assassins.

The Florida-trained killers stayed in business under the leadership of Ted
Shackley. They were all around the assassination of President Kennedy in
1963. They kept going with the Operation Phoenix mass murder of Vietnamese
civilians, with Middle East drug and terrorist programs, and with George
Bush's Contra wars in Central America.

/ Note #b|""Harvey Hollister Bundy" (S&B 1909) was Henry L. Stimson's
assistant secretary of state (1931-33); then he was Stimson's special
assistant secretary of war, alongside Assistant Secretary Robert Lovett of
Skull and Bones and Brown Brothers Harriman.

Harvey's son "William P. Bundy" (S&B 1939) was a CIA officer from 1951 to
1961; as a 1960s defense official, he pushed the Harriman-Dulles scheme for
a Vietnam war. Harvey's other son, "McGeorge Bundy" (S&B 1940) coauthored
Stimson's memoirs in 1948. As President John Kennedy's director of national
security, McGeorge Bundy organized the whitewash of the Kennedy
assassination, and immediately switched the U.S. policy away from the
Kennedy pullout and back toward war in Vietnam.

/ Note #b|"There was also "Henry Luce," a Bonesman of 1920 with David
Ingalls and Harry Pomeroy. Luce published "Time" magazine, where his
ironically named "American Century" blustering was straight British Empire
doctrine: Bury the republics, hail the Anglo-Saxon conquerors.

/ Note #b|""William Sloane Coffin," tapped for 1949 Skull and Bones by
George Bush and his Bone companions, was from a long line of Skull and
Bones Coffins. William Sloane Coffin was famous in the Vietnam War protest
days as a leader of the left protest against the war. Was the fact that he
was an agent of the Central Intelligence Agency embarrassing to William
Sloane?

This was no contradiction. His uncle, the Reverend Henry Sloane Coffin (S&B
1897), had also been a "peace" agitator, and an oligarchical agent. Uncle
Henry was for 20 years president of the Union Theological Seminary, whose
board chairman was Prescott Bush's partner Thatcher Brown. In 1937, Henry
Coffin and John Foster Dulles led the U.S. delegation to England to found
the "World Council of Churches", as a "peace movement" guided by the
pro-Hitler faction in England.

The Coffins have been mainstays of the liberal death lobby for euthanasia
and eugenics. The Coffins outlasted Hitler, arriving into the CIA in 1950s.

/ Note #b|"Amory Howe Bradford" (S&B 1934) married Carol Warburg
Rothschild in 1941. Carol's mother, Carola, was the acknowledged head of
the Warburg family in America after World War II. This family had assisted
the Harrimans' rise into the world in the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries; in concert with the Sulzbergers at the "New York Times," they
had used their American Jewish Committee and B'nai Brith to protect the
Harriman-Bush deals with Hitler.

This made it nice for Averell Harriman, just like family, when Amory Howe
worked on the Planning Group of Harriman's NATO secretariat in London,
1951-52. Howe was meanwhile assistant to the publisher of the "New York
Times," and went on to become general manager of the "Times."

Thus, we could be assured of "responsible news coverage," with due emphasis
on the necessary role of "moderates" named Harriman and Bush.

/ Note #b|Other modern Bonesmen have been closely tied to George Bush's
career. "George Herbert Walker, Jr." (S&B 1927) was the President's uncle
and financial angel. In the 1970s he sold G.H. Walker & Co. to White, Weld
& Co. and became a vice president of White, Weld; company heir William
Weld, the original federal prosecutor of Lyndon LaRouche and current
Massachusetts governor, is an active Bush Republican.

Publisher "William F. Buckley" (S&B 1950) had a family oil business in
Mexico. There, Buckley was a close ally to CIA assassinations manager E.
Howard Hunt, whose lethal antics were performed under the eyes of Miami
Station and Jupiter Island.

"David Lyle Boren" (S&B 1963) ... was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1979
and became chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

Though a Democrat (who spoke knowingly of the "parallel government"
operating in Iran-Contra), Boren's Intelligence Committee rulings have been
(not unexpectedly) more and more favorable to his "Patriarch" in the White
House.

Among the traditional artifacts the Skulland collected and maintained
within the High Street Tomb are human remains of various derivations. The
following concerns one such set of Skull and Bones.

Geronimo, an Apache faction leader and warrior, led a party of warriors on
a raid in 1876, after Apaches were moved to the San Carlos Reservation in
Arizona territory. He led other raids against U.S. and Mexican forces well
into the 1880s; he was captured and escaped many times.

Geronimo became a farmer and joined a Christian congregation. He died at
the age of 79 years in 1909, and was buried at Fort Sill, Oklahoma.
Three-quarters of a century later, his tribesmen raised the question of
getting their famous warrior reinterred back in Arizona.

Ned Anderson was Tribal Chairman of the San Carlos Apache Tribe from 1978
to 1986. This is the story he tells / Note #9:

Around the fall of 1983, the leader of an Apache group in another section
of Arizona said he was interested in having the remains of Geronimo
returned to his tribe's custody. Taking up this idea, Anderson said that
the remains properly belonged to his group as much as to the other Apaches.
After much discussion, several Apache groups met at a kind of summit
meeting held at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. The army authorities were not
favorable to the meeting, and it only occurred through the intervention of
the office of the Governor of Oklahoma.

As a result of this meeting, Ned Anderson was written up in the newspapers
as an articulate Apache activist. Soon afterwards, in late 1983 or early
1984, a Skull and Bones member contacted Anderson and leaked evidence that
Geronimo's remains had long ago been pilfered -- by Prescott Bush, George's
father. The informant said that in May of 1918, Prescott Bush and five
other officers at Fort Sill desecrated the grave of Geronimo. They took
turns on guard while they robbed the grave, taking items including a skull,
some other bones, a horse bit and straps. These prizes were taken back to
the Tomb, the home of the Skull and Bones Society at Yale in New Haven,
Connecticut. They were put into a display case, which members and visitors
could easily view upon entry to the building.

The informant provided Anderson with photographs of the stolen remains, and
a copy of a Skull and Bones log book in which the 1918 grave robbery had
been recorded. "The informant said that Skull and Bones members used the
pilfered remains in performing some of their Thursday and Sunday night
rituals, with Geronimo's skull sitting out on a table in front of them"....

Through an attorney, Anderson asked the FBI to move into the case. The
attorney conveyed to him the Bureau's response: If he would turn over every
scrap of evidence to the FBI, and completely remove himself from the case,
they would get involved. He rejected this bargain, since it did not seem
likely to lead towards recovery of Geronimo's remains.

Due to his persistence, he was able to arrange a September, 1986 Manhattan
meeting with Jonathan Bush, George Bush's brother. Jonathan Bush vaguely
assured Anderson that he would get what he had come after, and set a
followup meeting for the next day. But Bush stalled -- Anderson believes
this was to gain time to hide and secure the stolen remains against any
possible rescue action.

The Skull and Bones attorney representing the Bush family and managing the
case was Endicott Peabody Davison. His father was the F. Trubee Davison
mentioned above, who had been president of New York's American Museum of
Natural History, and personnel director for the Central Intelligence
Agency. The attitude of this Museum crowd has long been that "Natives"
should be stuffed and mounted for display to the Fashionable Set.

Finally, after about 11 days, another meeting occurred. A display case was
produced, which did in fact match the one in the photograph the informant
had given to Anderson. But the skull he was shown was that of a
ten-year-old child, and Anderson refused to receive it or to sign a legal
document promising to shut up about the matter.

Anderson took his complaint to Arizona Congressmen Morris Udall and John
McCain III, but with no results. George Bush refused Congressman McCain's
request that he meet with Anderson.

Anderson wrote to Udall, enclosing a photograph of the wall case and skull
at the "Tomb," showing a bla ck and white photograph of the living
Geronimo, which members of the Order had boastfully posted next to their
display of his skull. Anderson quoted from a Skull and Bones Society
internal history, entitled "Continuation of the History of Our Order for
the Century Celebration, 17 June 1933, by The Little Devil of D'121."

"From the war days [W.W. I] also sprang the mad expedition from the School
of Fire at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, that brought to the T[omb] its most
spectacular 'crook,' the skull of Geronimo the terrible, the Indian Chief
who had taken forty-nine white scalps. An expedition in late May, 1918, by
members of four [graduating-class years of the Society], Xit D.114,
Barebones, Caliban and Dingbat, D.115, S'Mike D.116, and Hellbender D.117,
planned with great caution since in the words of one of them: 'Six army
captains robbing a grave wouldn't look good in the papers.'

The stirring climax was recorded by Hellbender in the Black Book of D.117:
'... The ring of pick on stone and thud of earth on earth alone disturbs
the peace of the prairie. An axe pried open the iron door of the tomb, and
Pat[riarch] Bush entered and started to dig. We dug in turn, each on relief
taking a turn on the road as guards.... Finally Pat[riarch] Ellery James
turned up a bridle, soon a saddle horn and rotten leathers followed, then
wood and then, at the exact bottom of the small round hole, Pat[riarch]
James dug deep and pried out the trophy itself....

We quickly closed the grave, shut the door and sped home to Pat[riarch]
Mallon's room, where we cleaned the Bones. Pat[riarch] Mallon sat on the
floor liberally applying carbolic acid. The Skull was fairly clean, having
only some flesh inside and a little hair. I showered and hit the hay ... a
happy man...." / Note #1 / Note #0

The other grave robber whose name is given, Ellery James, we encountered in
Chapter One -- he was to be an usher at Prescott's wedding three years
later. And the fellow who applied acid to the stolen skull, burning off the
flesh and hair, was "Neil Mallon." Years later, Prescott Bush and his
partners chose Mallon as chairman of Dresser Industries; Mallon hired
Prescott's son, George Bush, for George's first job; and George Bush named
his son, "Neil Mallon Bush," after the flesh-picker.

In 1988 the "Washington Post" ran an article entitled "Skull for Scandal:
Did Bush's Father Rob Geronimo's Grave?" There was a small quote from the
1933 Skull and Bones "History of Our Order": "An axe pried open the iron
door of the tomb, and ... Bush entered and started to dig...." and so
forth, but neglected to include other names beside Bush.

According to the "Washington Post," the document which Bush attorney
Davison tried to get the Apache leader to sign, stipulated that Anderson
agreed it would be "inappropriate for you, me [Jonathan Bush] or anyone in
association with us to make or permit any publication in connection with
this transaction." Anderson called the document "very insulting to
Indians." Davison claimed later that the Order's own history book is a
hoax, but during the negotiations with Anderson, Bush's attorney demanded
Anderson give up his copy of the book. / Note #1 / Note #1

Bush crony Fitzhugh Green gives the view of the President's backers on this
affair, and conveys the arrogant racial attitude typical of Skull and
Bones:

"Prescott Bush had a colorful side. In 1988 the press revealed the
complaint of an Apache leader about Bush. This was Ned Anderson of San
Carlos, Oklahoma [sic], who charged that as a young army officer Bush stole
the skull of Indian Chief [sic] Geronimo and had it hung on the wall of
Yale's Skull and Bones Club. After exposure of 'true facts' by Anderson,
and consideration by some representatives in Congress, the issue faded from
public sight. Whether or not this alleged skullduggery actually occurred,
"the mere idea casts the senior Bush in an adventurous light"" / Note #1 /
Note #2 [emphasis added].

George Bush's crowning as a Bonesman was intensely, personally important to
him....

Survivors of his 1948 Bones group were interviewed for a 1988 "Washington
Post" campaign profile of George Bush. The members described their
continuing intimacy with and financial support for Bush up through his
1980s vice presidency. Their original sexual togetherness at Yale is
stressed:

The relationships that were formed in the "Tomb" ... where the Society's
meetings took place each Thursday and Sunday night during the academic
year, have had a strong place in Bush's life, according to all 11 of his
fellow Bonsemen who are still alive.

Several described in detail the ritual in the organization that builds the
bonds. Before giving his life history, each memberhad to spend a Sunday
night reviewing his sex life in a talk known in the Tomb as CB, or
"connubial bliss"....

"The first time you review your sex life.... We went all the way around
among the 15, said Lucius H. Biglow Jr., a retired Seattle attorney. "That
way you get everybody committed to a certain extent.... It was a gradual
way of building confidence."

The sexual histories helped break down the normal defenses of the members,
according to several of the members from his class. William J. Connelly Jr.
... said, "In Skull and Bones we all stand together, 15 brothers under the
skin. [It is] the greatest allegiance in the world.".... / Note #1 / Note
#3


Notes - Chapter 7

5. Fitzhugh Green, "George Bush: An Intimate Portrait", (New York:
Hippocrene Books, 1989), p. 48.

6. Among the sources used for this section are:

Skull and Bones membership list, 1833-1950, printed 1949 by the Russell
Trust Association, New Haven Connecticut, available through the Yale
University Library, New Haven.

Biographies of the Russells and related families, in the Yale University
Library, New Haven, and in the Russell Library, Middletown, Connecticut.

Ron Chernow, "The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise
of Modern Finance", (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1990).

Anthony C. Sutton, "How the Order Creates War and Revolution", (Phoenix:
Research Publications, Inc., 1984).

Anthony C. Sutton, "America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the
Order of Skull and Bones", (Billings, Mt:, Liberty House Press, 1986).

Anton Chaitkin, "Treason in America: From Aaron Burr to Averell Harriman",
second edition, (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1985).

Anton Chaitkin, "Station Identification: Morgan, Hitler, NBC," "New
Solidarity", Oct. 8, 1984.

Interviews with Bones members and their families.

7. Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, "The Wise Men: Six Friends and the
World They Made -- Acheson, Bohlen, Harriman, Kennan, Lovett, McCloy", (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), p. 90-91.

8. "Ibid.", p. 93.

9. Interview with Ned Anderson, Nov. 6, 1991.

10. Quoted in Ned Anderson to Anton Chaitkin, Dec. 2, 1991, in possession
of the present authors.

11. Article by Paul Brinkley-Rogers of the "Arizona Republic", in the
"Washington Post", Oct. 1, 1988.

12. Green, "op. cit.", p. 50.

13. Bob Woodward and Walter Pincus, "Bush Opened Up To Secret Yale
Society," "Washington Post", August 7, 1988.

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